Jin Yong is well-intentioned, this Qiao Feng knows, but he has his ideas, Jin Yong's adaptation of the movie is not flattering, and there is really nothing eye-catching.

However, who will shoot this, the previous ones are not good, it does not mean that the future ones are not good, especially when Jin Yong's are so classic.

Therefore, after Qiao Feng repeatedly said that he had thought about it very clearly, Jin Yong didn't say anything anymore, and then promised to sell the film adaptation rights to Qiao Feng.

"I heard that Mr. Kim is ready to withdraw from the specific affairs of Ming Pao?" After talking about cooperation, Qiao Feng asked.

Jin Yong nodded, it was no secret that he wanted to let go of Ming Pao's work, and it wasn't even a recent idea, he had it for a long time, but Ming Pao had always been under his control, and he wouldn't be able to get out for a while.

"It's really a lack of skills."

Since founding "Ming Pao", Jin Yong has insisted on writing editorials for "Ming Pao", and has written for more than 20 years, discussing all major events in the world, but that is just talking about soldiers on paper and scholars talking about politics.

He also wanted to enter politics in his early years, and in 1950, Jin Yong resigned from Ta Kung Pao and ran back to the mainland with the hope of becoming a diplomat. However, not to mention the restrictions of various rules and regulations and personnel difficulties, the fact that he is not a party member alone has extinguished his ideal of becoming a diplomat.

Then I didn't expect that after writing editorials for more than 20 years, I suddenly entered the political arena in 1985.

The Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee was established to draft the Basic Law. Jin Yong joined the draft committee as a journalist as an individual, and then this participation was out of control.

In April of the following year, the Second Plenary Session of the Drafting Committee of the Basic Law was convened, and the Drafting Committee set up five thematic groups: "Relations between the Central Government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region," "Basic Rights and Duties of Residents," "Political System," "Economy," and "Education, Science, Technology, Culture, Sports, and Religion." Kim Yong was appointed head of the "political system" group. This meeting marked that the formulation of the Basic Law had entered a new stage of concrete drafting.

In the past two years, Jin Yong has been busy with the affairs of the Grass Committee, Ming Pao has no time to take care of it, and he is also old, not everyone has the spirit of Shao Yifu, and he is almost eighty years old and can still be in charge of such a big media group.

Again, Jin Yong and Shao Yifu encountered the same problem, that is, their children were not interested in inheriting the family business.

"Mr. Qiao also understands the situation of our family, none of the three children are interested in running a newspaper. Speaking of which, Jin Yong let out a long sigh of complexity.

The Chuanxia in Jin Yong's mouth is his eldest son, who hanged himself at the age of nineteen because of a quarrel with his girlfriend, which is the pain of Jin Yong's life.

The eldest son of Cha Chuanxia is Jin Yong's favorite child, but unfortunately this child is not mentally strong and too fragile, so he committed suicide because of a trivial matter.

Qiao Feng knew that he couldn't say much about the topic of Cha Chuanxia, so he didn't answer, but changed the topic and asked, "The coordination plan recently proposed by Mr. Cha and another Mr. Cha has a great impact."

Qiao Feng said that the other Mr. Cha is called Cha Jimin, who is a big entrepreneur and a wealthy man in Hong Kong.

He and Jin Yong jointly launched the famous "double check plan" some time ago, suggesting that the first three Hong Kong Special Election Rules should be elected by the Election Committee, and at most half of the seats in the Legislative Council should be directly elected, until the second half of 2011, and then decide whether to elect the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council by universal suffrage by one person, one vote.

Maybe this chapter will be blocked again, so I won't go into details.

"Hey, as soon as this bill came out, many people said that our double check was too conservative, and even some college students came to our newspaper office to "burn down the Ming Pao" Jin Yong sighed again.

"Conservative? I think they're too ignorant." Qiao Feng sneered: "The mainland's willingness to give Hong Kong democracy is already unprecedented, and some people dare to ask for more, which is really ridiculous."

"Why does Mr. Joe say that?" Jin Yong was very surprised, in his opinion, young people like Qiao Feng should be more radical, that is, accusing him and another Mr. Cha of being conservative.

"It's very simple, when did Hong Kong really get democratic." Qiao Feng asked rhetorically: 'Mr. Cha, tell me, when did Hong Kong ever become democratic, and when did Hong Kong's power structure be elected by the Hong Kong people themselves, not determined by the British government in Hong Kong.

However, now and in the past, when the British were in charge, how could we, the Hong Kong people, ever decide who would be the governor of Hong Kong, and when we voted for the governor of Hong Kong, it was not all appointed by the British government or the Queen of England. Qiao Feng asked with some excitement.

Listening to Qiao Feng's words, Jin Yong was a little embarrassed.Although Qiao Feng was ridiculing those radical people, he actually didn't escape, because he was also a person who wanted to get the right to universal suffrage, but he was a little conservative, thinking that universal suffrage should come gradually and should not be too eager.

Qiao Feng didn't know Jin Yong's embarrassment, and continued: "Mr. Cha, I think you should think more about how to make Hong Kong people and mainland people understand each other and recognize each other.

How to solve this estrangement, so that everyone can be a real family in the face and heart, I think this is what the Drafting Committee should consider more.

However, in terms of how to prevent certain separatists with ulterior motives and independent elements from infiltrating our government departments and legislative assembly departments in the name of democracy, I think this should be something that Mr. Cha can consider.

After hearing Qiao Feng's worries, Jin Yong's face also became serious, what Qiao Feng said they didn't think about.

But they have always thought that there are very few people with ulterior motives, and they also think that opposing opinions are the embodiment of democracy, so they don't care very much.

But what Qiao Feng said in the end was something they never thought of. Thinking about it, it is terrifying, how many people are in Hong Kong, how many people are in the mainland, if they look at each other and hate each other, where should Hong Kong go at that time, and where should Hong Kong people go.

Just thinking about it, Jin Yong felt chills all over his body.