Chapter 444: Reversal

The real danger is often invisible.

Liang Yuan, Guo Jian, Han Shaorong and others are hiding in the dark to covet, and Ryan Fortis and Bardinay Safeyi Jr., as greedy minions of the Evans Foundation and the Savei family, will also be exposed......

Cao Mo can't be "aggressive" to spend his fangs, otherwise in this foreign land that is not very friendly to Chinese and Chinese businessmen, he will only set up more enemies and provoke more hostility.

Cao Mo can only use some "invisible light" means to resolve the danger this time.

Prior to Cao Mo's arrival in Pémei, Sturgeon not only took over the share purchase agreement from Avena Foster, but also directly cashed in the agreement with Volkov Investment, i.e., to pay $120 million to acquire a 25% stake in the Volco Petrochemical Group from the Lake Conero Industrial Park, but the $120 million, as well as the $20 million Sturgeon paid to Avenna, came from a secret trust fund.

Sturgeon presided over the international settlement business of Banco Nacional Ultramarino, mainly to help some funds that were not very visible to enter and leave Africa, and the source of funds for the industrial investment layout of Volkov Investment in recent years was mainly supported by various secret trust funds composed of these funds.

Therefore, Sturgeon does not need to explain the origin of the new secret trust fund to anyone, especially the Oppenheimer family, let alone reveal that the Conero Lake Industrial Park, which represents the interests of Cao Mo and the Blake, Rupert, Felician, and Sika families, actually holds a 32% stake in Volkov's investment through this secret trust fund.

At the same time, he will not disclose that through this layer of indirect shareholding and the operation team headed by Huang Hebin, the interests of Volkov Investment and Tianyue are completely bundled.

And Yang Xiaofeng took the plan and returned to Draculamo with gold, but he still succeeded in stabilizing Liang Yuan.

Liang Yuan did not dig into the relationship between Cao Mo and Sturgeon, let alone Juan Mantal's choice.

And these two points are crucial.

As a son of the Foster family, and Juan Mantar as the leader of the group of descendants of the Akwa colonists, as long as there is no conclusive evidence, it is hard to imagine that Ryan Fortis would be so vigilant to believe that they would be so thoroughly involved in the arms of Chinese capital, let alone convince the top management of the Evans Foundation and the Saviyi family to believe this.

Since Akwa has entered the era of popular elections, the Saviyi family and the Evans Foundation want to seize the copper-gold mines in the Usan River, and they cannot avoid Juan Mantar, who is the Minister of Economy, especially since they regard Juan Mantal as their own.

The first thing they thought of was that Juan Mantar could find out whether there were any flaws or omissions in the process of Ibogu Mining's contract for the exploration and exploitation rights of the Uzan River copper-gold mine from the level of economics, law and policy, rather than thinking of bypassing Juan Mantar and finding someone else from the Ministry of Economy or directly from the national mineral and oil company responsible for the liaison with Ibogu Mining to do this "dirty work".

Using "legal" means to deprive the Usan River of copper-gold exploration rights from the Ibogu Mining would have the least impact on the prestige of President Seviyi and his family, and would have avoided getting involved in overly complicated international diplomatic disputes, as well as being attacked by political opponents and the opposition.

In order to win the mining rights of the Wusan River copper-gold mine, Cao Mo has almost closed all the legal loopholes, and the various agreements he has signed, the various concessions he has applied for, and the exploration, construction and mining reports that have been submitted in a timely manner in accordance with the laws and regulations of the Akwa country are quite complete.

This also created the conditions for Juan Mantar to stall for time.

Even though a significant number of the bureaucrats in the Ministry of Economy are loyal to the Saviyi family and are happy to work for the Evans Foundation, there are very few people who are proficient in affairs and familiar with the letter of the law, and most of them are descendants of colonists.

Juan Mantar succeeded in delaying the sorting out of the work by transferring or stabilizing these people, and on behalf of the Ministry of Economy, he politely refused to allow the Evans Foundation to intervene in this work.

Cao Mo secretly released the news that it was difficult for local officials in Drake and the Akwa National Minerals and Petroleum Group to supervise the Usan River copper-gold mine, or to maintain liaison with the Ibogu Mining, whether they wanted to get a piece of the pie, or wanted to discuss working for the Saviyi family, or wanted to tie up with the Evans Foundation to gain benefits elsewhere.

For example, Massagei, the youngest son of Asamo Gian, was able to get in touch with Ryan Fortis at a banquet arranged by Juan Mantar at the Ministry of Economy, and even once expressed his heart to Juan Mantal.

These people were "useless" to the Evans Foundation and the Saveyi family at this time, but the list and their contact with Ryan Fortis and Bardinay Saviyi Jr. were reported to Cao Mo in time.

Ryan Fortis is still worried that Cao Mo is secretly starting a clan struggle in Akva, which will make the Saviyi family jealous, but as Cao Mo expected, the Evans Foundation does not pay much attention to the chips sent to the door, and is unwilling to invest much resources in Dahomey, a place where birds don't, in order to appease the Canter people.

Ryan Fortis and Bardinay Smaller Safeyi can only find a way to financially tilt Kante areas such as Dahomey from within the system, or to give more liberal economic policies to show greater goodwill towards the Gian family and other Eter moderates.

Juan Mantar has been hypocritical and justifiably emphasizing stricter economic, financial and tax control over areas where the Kante radicals have strong voices and covert links with the armed opposition.

At the same time, through Ryan Fortis, Mauriji Gian befriended Badinah Saviyi, and the news that he was "actually" bought and used by Ryan Fortis and Badinay Saviyi continued to reach the ears of the Kante radicals.

Sturgeon represents Banco Nacional Ultramarino and the Foster family, and was also active in Akwa during this time.

He not only took the initiative to catch up with Bardinah Servei, but also took the initiative to attract important customers of Banco Nacional Nacional in Akwa, frequently visited Badina Savei, and held large-scale banquets or financial forums in succession, and invited Badina Savei to participate as the guest of honor, creating a great momentum for these activities in Pemei Harbor.

At the same time, the news that Badinah Savei was actively befriending central and local government officials, bribing and co-opting moderate Kanter leaders and other dignitaries, and using every opportunity to create a momentum for himself continued to reach the ears of his two older brothers from various channels.

The turbulent undercurrent continued until the end of October, when it finally broke out.

When Saviyi's second son, Hosseini Servyi, then deputy chief of the Akwa Police Headquarters, was inspecting Tellero, the capital of the Eastern Province, and the increasingly impatient Kante radicals ignored the moderates' obstruction and organized a massive demonstration, surrounding Hosseini's motorcade in front of the city hall, calling on the authorities to take timely and effective measures to alleviate the prevailing plight of the Kante people.

Hosseini, who has always been tough on the Kanter radicals, ordered the local military and police to crack down on the demonstrations and forcefully expelled the demonstrators, in which 11 Kanter people were killed, hundreds were injured, and thousands were detained.

Communal fighting suddenly became acute, and Asamo Gian issued a statement that night strongly condemning the atrocities of Hosseini and the military and police in the Eastern Province, criticizing President Seviyi's abuse of power, appointing family members to senior positions in the government, and conniving at family members to interfere in government affairs, making Akwa's elected system unworthy of its name.

Asamo Gian not only summoned his youngest son, Morigi, from the capital, Port Pemei, personally submitted his resignation to the National Assembly, but also called on all Kante officials in the government to resign from all posts and refuse to cooperate with the Saviyi authorities.

Asamo's change of moderate's stance and such a strong and unambiguous statement was also forced by the internal situation within the Kanter ethnic group during this time.

Assamo is of course more willing to cooperate with the stronger and closer Evans Foundation than Chinese capital, and reap the benefits of it, but two months later, not only did he not see any substantial benefits, but he was also attacked within the Kanter clan.

When such a thing happens, if he is ambiguous, he fears that he will be purged by the radicals within the Kanter people.

Not to mention President Saviyi himself, and no one else among the other chiefs of the Akwa wants to see Akwa plunged into division and civil strife, as the radicals within the Akan, led by Hufu Bonia, who were strongly opposed to political change in the first place, were bloodied by Savui in a military coup that had been unsuccessful more than two years earlier.

In the face of the surging demonstrations and demonstrations set off by the Kanter people in various places, and in the face of the fact that some Kanter people, mainly Kanter people, have begun to recruit troops on a large scale in distant areas and further strengthen the militia armament, President Saiweiyi ordered the dismissal of his second son, Hosseini, from his post in the police headquarters in early November, and ordered the judicial organs to set up an investigation committee to investigate the truth about the suppression of the bloodshed and to arrest the real culprits.

At the same time, President Saiweiyi also ordered the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Economy to formulate economic and fiscal policies and plans to focus on the development of areas where the Kant people are concentrated, such as Dahomey, to strengthen financial relief in these areas, and called on overseas investors such as Ibogu Mining to invest in the Netherlands and the United States......