Chapter 59: The Arrogance of Power
"That's all?"
Toby Salamaman sat upright in a large armchair, his pen between two fingers of his right hand turning unconsciously.
Jon Stuart rushed back to the Holy City from the province of Sino and reported to Salaman, the chairman of the Freedom Committee, as soon as possible.
"Yes, Your Excellency!" said Salaman, astonished Stuart, "Sean Connery professed to support the revolution, but he was an aristocrat himself, and his privileges came from this unequal feudal monarchy. The fact that he, a warlord, dared to threaten me was nothing short of a provocation and blackmail against the Freedom Council. β
Salaman automatically ignored the complaints and personal preconceptions of the bastard son of the nobleman in front of himβa nobleman gave him life, but did not let him enjoy the rights and treatment he deserved. Sean has no aristocratic ancestry, but he is justifiably an aristocrat.
Anthony Fuchs was also involved in the talks, and as the second-in-command of the committee, he was second only to Salaman. I only heard Fukes laugh and say:
"Haha, Jon, don't get excited. Sean Connery has made it clear that at least he won't speak out against us, and that's enough. He actually left us room to maneuver, for example we could unilaterally say in the newspapers that Count Connery supported the revolution. He is a smart man, and if there is any trouble, he can say that this is our slander and rumor-mongering. β
"I think the Count is well aware that we need each other now, that we need him to remain neutral, and that we need him to stop the Bilisian attack, and that he needs us to recognize his power and position in the army, and the necessary supplies, and that he has bravely led his army to the front, and that he will bear the consequences of another collapse of the front. From the point of view of opposing the aggression of foreign armies against our country, our interests are identical. Salaman said.
"For this reason, we can not hesitate to praise him in the newspapers for his outstanding performance in the war against foreign aggression, not only in the name of the member of the Europa Freedom Commission, to formally appoint him commander of the Western Front, and it does not matter whether he accepts it or not, but we must make clear to the people our solemn stand against aggression.
We could even give him a title for free, well......" Furksus thought for a moment, "it's called the Tiger of Europa." In short, we need to stir up public opinion that the Freedom Council is resolutely opposed to foreign invasion, and that the public thinks that the armies of the Western Front are on our side. β
"Anthony, I fully agree with you. "At the same time, the vigorous publicity of the count's personal exploits would arouse the enthusiasm of the general public, who needed such popular news to divert attention, although bread and work were also important." This enthusiasm, in turn, will keep the Count and his army in the field, and the Bilisians will consume this potentially restless force for us, in one fell swoop. β
"Of the ten legions in the north, five are on our side, three remain neutral. Only the two remaining legions were against us, but they were still fighting hard in the rear of the Assyrian legions under the command of the crown prince, isolated and helpless, and they could not influence us from the Assyrians. β
Jon Stuart's gaze moved back and forth between the two leaders.
He suddenly understood why the two people in front of him could become leaders, there were no absolute enemies, only absolute interests, and politics was full of calculations.
However, the two leaders, who seemed to be in harmony, showed a discordant side in an internal meeting an hour later.
The revolution erupted so suddenly, even though it had been foreseen, and when it did, everyone was shocked.
However, the revolution was confined to the Holy City and Gyeonggi, destroying the rule of the highest echelons of an empire, but had little impact on the local areas, at most only in a few neighboring provinces.
The Tulip Party was not content to gain control of the Holy City, and when they occupied the highest point of politics, they had all of Europa in mind.
But how to rule or govern the country, they are divided among themselves.
Salamain was once a reformist who believed that the emperor must be respected as the eternal ruler of the state, and that top-down power reform should be carried out on the premise of recognizing the emperor's right to rule.
His philosophy changed when he discovered to his horror that in order to realize his claims, it was necessary to systematically overturn all existing institutions and laws.
This change was evident in the mass arrest of liberals by the emperor and his minions after the last council of dignitaries. Top-down improvement is nothing more than his fantasy.
Now that the emperor has become a prisoner, he has become a leader, and whether the country is good or bad in the future, it is the responsibility of him and his party members, and no one has any reason to put the blame on the emperor.
So, what is before him is how to govern the country, and it is also a question of how to get the local government to agree with the new regime in the Holy City.
However, on this issue, Salamane and Fuchs openly argued fiercely.
Salaman was also an idealist, and while he sought freedom and equality, he acknowledged political realities. At the local level, the nobility was still powerful, and many commoners recognized only their former lords.
Therefore, Salamaan believed that a national Estates-General should be convened on the model of the Estates-General, with free elections and the election of a delegation to convene a representative parliament in Al-Quds for six weeks each year.
This parliament talks only about the executive, but it undertakes not to interfere with it, and simply put, it has the right to discuss laws but not to make them.
Such a parliament would satisfy the thirst for power and the demands of public opinion at all levels, embodying freedom and equality, because the deputies would have the right to discuss anything, thus making it appear that they were freely sharing power on behalf of the entire population.
Denouncing Salaman's political conception as deceitful, delusional, and naΓ―ve, Furks slammed it in irony:
"I fully agree with Chairman Salaman's judgment that the satisfaction of the people is only necessary to summon from all over the country a number of people who have no honour and no independence, pay them salaries, and let them pretend to convene a political assembly in front of the people.
However, what is the difference between this and the noble councils of the past, how can the group of noble lords who have gone to the Holy City to retire have ever made a constructive proposal for the state?
"This is different from the past, where the delegates are elected, not nominated by the emperor. Salamaran retorted, "Why should we be afraid of the people? β
"No, I am not afraid of the people, but I am afraid that the people are often blind and ignorant, most of them are illiterate, have limited knowledge, and have not even traveled fifty kilometers from their villages. The local aristocracy and the rich are the objects they fear, obey and rely on, and even their food and clothing. Once the so-called elections take place, I can imagine who the people will be elected, and what will we do if these people don't want to pretend to be in a meeting, but want to actually get power?"
Fuchs's words were endorsed by many committee members.
In fact, his words also alerted the members to the fact that the revolution was first and foremost striking at the interests of the aristocracy, which was the natural first enemy of the Tulip Party.
"If they try to challenge our governing philosophy, throw them in jail. Salamano was forced to take a stand.
"Can I see this as a stopgap measure?" asked Fuchs.
"You can see it this way, what we need is stability, and the provinces moving closer to the Holy City, and when we take control of the local power, all the old systems will be eliminated. Salaman said.
Salaman is tall and muscular, with a beard, and he always unconsciously waving his right arm when he speaks.
He was a natural orator, and while he had achieved his goal at today's meeting, it was clear that he had fallen behind.
Most of the committee members did not approve of his idea, but as an inertia of worship and follow, the committee members still reluctantly agreed.
In the evening, Salaman returned to his house exhausted.
This is his old residence, the house is not large, it is a detached small villa with a garden and walls, inherited from his merchant father.
Since becoming the first member of the Executive Committee, Salaman still lives here, living a relatively modest life compared to other upstarts.
His live-in lover, Juliette Bloom, personally took the briefcase in his hand and arranged for the servants to prepare some supper for him.
The glamorous widow has always been a star in the high society of the Holy City, and she has many suitors, including Salaman Fukes, a partner in his career, and it is clear that Salamane is also firmly above Fukes when it comes to personal love.
"My dear, look at your brow, it's almost twisted into a hemp rope. Mrs. Bloom asked with concern, "Why, in business you have encountered something inexplicable?"
"In business, it's always one problem after another. This is one of the characteristics of politics. Salaman said.
"I heard you had a big fight with Anthony this afternoon. Mrs. Bloom said suddenly, "Are you worried about this?"
"It's not that exaggerated, arguments are inevitable. I just feel that something has changed within the committee in just a few days. That's right, the emperor was imprisoned, the feudal monarchy had been overthrown by us, and yet our revolution had not really succeeded, but many had already lost their way. "I've also been told that the Internal Police have been too aggressive in their crackdown on squatters and unscrupulous businessmen, and that some of our members have been accused of taking advantage of the opportunity to embezzle private property, so what is the difference between them and the people we have been so loudly criticized in the past?"
"My dear, as you just said, one of the characteristics of politics is one problem after another. Mrs. Blonn sat on Salaman's lap, "You are back at home, what you need is relaxation, and it is my duty to make you alive and well tomorrow morning." β
"For example?"
Salaman's heart moved, and he immediately put aside those troubles.