ps: This article is purely fictional, if there are similarities, it is an honor!

After the secret conversation with Yeltsin, Su Chenyu disappeared completely as if he had never appeared in Moscow at all. Pen | fun | pavilion www. ｂｉｑｕｇｅ。 Yeltsin also changed his old strong style, trying not to attend any public events, but he was constantly summoning the leaders of various localities and departments of the Russian Federation.

On August 17, the two major news of the special committee's appeal and Yakovlev's withdrawal from the CPSU began to ferment in earnest, and quickly converged into a powerful whirlpool of public opinion. In particular, Yakovlev warned in the newspaper Izvestia that some far-sighted politicians had already begun to "hedge" operations.

On the afternoon of August 18, Soviet Vice President Yanayev, who was attending a party at his villa in Pavlov, a suburb of Moscow, received a call from KGB when the atmosphere of the party was in full swing -- saying that KGB and other leaders needed to meet immediately to discuss an urgent matter.

Yanayev and Pavlov drove to the Kremlin and arrived at the meeting, where they realized the urgency of this matter -- KGB Chairman Kryuchkov, Defense Minister Yazov, First Deputy Chairman of the National Defense Council Bakranov, and others were already prominently listed.

That is to say, almost all the important nuclei of power in the entire Soviet Union are gathered here, but unfortunately Goethy, the de facto and nominal supreme leader of the Soviet, is not among them.

While Yanayev and Pavlov were driving to the Kremlin for an emergency meeting, Su Chenyu had received the news and had welcomed a distinguished guest in his villa in the early hours of the morning, Vajim Bakatin.

Last year, Vajim Bakatin stepped down as interior minister and became a member of the Presidential Council – officially isolated from the core of power. However, if you think that he has just withdrawn from the center of Soviet power, then you are very wrong, and his influence in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the KGB is still unusually strong.

"Sue, they are already in the Kremlin at this time. After getting out of the car, Vajim Bakatin followed Hou Zhengjun into the study in a hurry, looked at Su Chenyu who was standing at the window, and said with a smile: "I believe that there will be results soon, what are we going to do now?"

"Let's wait and see what happens. Su Chenyu turned around, put down the coffee cup in his hand, and said with a smile: "Wajim, put your mind at ease and taste the most authentic Jamaican Blue Mountain coffee." Now we just need to respond to all changes with the same and watch them toss well. ”

Vajim Bakatin shook his head and smiled, then picked up the coffee on the table, took a sip, then stretched his brows and said, "Good thing, mellow and authentic, good." Are we really not doing anything now? Would you like to let me know?"

Su Chenyu naturally knew who Wajim was referring to on that side, so he thought about it, nodded and said, "Not for the time being, but let your people in the Ministry of Internal Affairs and KGB pay attention, once there is the latest news, it will be passed on immediately." ”

"Don't worry, I've already explained it. We'll be the first to know as soon as there's new news. Vajim picked up the spoon in his coffee cup and stirred it, then said, "Sue, do you really think you can handle this over there?"

"Wajim, you have to know that some people are specially born for these big scenes, and the times make heroes. Su Chenyu knew that he was powerful, so he signaled him to rest assured: "We just need to watch him perform quietly here." ”

The Kremlin meeting lasted until 4 a.m. on August 19, when the result was finally reached - the establishment of a State Emergency Committee to take over the power of the Soviet state.

This news was immediately passed on by Su Chenyu to Yeltsin, who was still asleep, and Yeltsin, who woke up, then began to urgently run his team.

Thus, the Super August event that shook the world officially kicked off......

At 6 a.m. on 19 August, the Soviet Central Television and Radio stations officially announced the order of Vice President Yanayev that President Goethy was unable to perform his duties as president due to health reasons, and that Vice President Yanayev would assume the presidency in accordance with Article 127 of the Constitution.

Subsequently, the State Emergency Committee issued a Letter to the Soviet People, and at 11 noon it declared an immediate state of emergency in the organs of the Soviets.

At 11:46 p.m., Yeltsin, who had been preparing for a long time, threw the first "punch" of his attack at the Russian parliament building.

Yeltsin held a press conference in the parliament building, read out a "Letter to Russian Citizens", declared the State Emergency Committee "illegal", called on Russian citizens to give the rebels a tough response as they deserved, and called for an indefinite strike throughout the territory. At the call of Yeltsin and other leaders of the Russian Federation, a huge wave of opposition to the State Emergency Committee soon formed.

At about 12 o'clock, a rally was held on the Moscow Hippodrome, which was only a thousand at first, and then more and more people gathered.

At 12:30, demonstrators blocked Tver Avenue with two trolleybuses in front of the National Hotel, tanks were parked on all bridges in the city center, and a mass movement of troops began in the city of Moscow.

At 13 o'clock, Yeltsin walked out of the parliament building and boarded the tank No. 110 of the Taman Division, which was blockading the parliament building, and several of his aides and bodyguards also boarded the tank. Subsequently, Yeltsin gave a speech in which he called on Muscovites and all citizens of Russia to fight back.

In the face of Yeltsin's aggressiveness, the State Emergency Committee finally showed its fangs -- the army began to move frequently, social publishing was restricted, and the spearhead of the struggle was directed at Yeltsin and others.

However, Yanayev and others foolishly did not prepare to take coercive measures against Yeltsin, but tried to use the authority of the constitution to force Yeltsin and others to kneel down and sing "Conquest" -- this has to be said to be a great failure.

You must know that Su Chenyu, who has been hiding in the villa with Vajim Bakatin, is most worried that Yanayev and others will preemptively use armed forces against Yeltsin. Although he had sent a large number of security personnel to Yeltsin's side, this number of men was simply not enough to fill his teeth in the face of the huge Soviet machine.

Not to mention anything else, as long as KGB makes a move, the little manpower he sent will be dragged down in minutes, and even be killed. Even if Vajim pulls out the forces placed in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the best result will be a lose-lose situation.

As the minutes ticked by, Yeltsin and his team survived August 19 safely, and even the next day, the Emergency Committee still did not take any major action.

This gave Yeltsin plenty of time to move around, and on the morning of the 20th, more than 50,000 people had gathered at the march organized by Yeltsin, and the number was still growing. Far Eastern trade was mixed with a lot of support in the procession, and these people played a full role in mobilizing everyone's emotions and guiding the direction.

At noon, at the parade, Yeltsin and other leaders of the Russian Federation jointly sent a letter to Lukyanov, chairman of the Supreme Soviet, putting forward a series of demands, including meeting with the Russian Federation leaders within 24 hours and guaranteeing the exercise of functions and powers by the leaders of the Russian Federation.

After meeting with Rudskoi, Khasbulatov, and Siraev, Lukyanov assured Yeltsin that the meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation would proceed normally on 21 July, and that the troops stationed in Moscow would also return to their original places of residence and that the Russian leaders would not be threatened.

There is no doubt that the State Emergency Committee has slowly conceded in the face of Yeltsin's combination punch.

Soon after, Yeltsin again issued a statement that he would officially take over the armed forces in Russia, declaring all orders issued by Defense Minister Yazov after the 18th null and void. In addition, he also ordered all troops and KGBs deployed in Russia to stand by in place, and all troops that left their original positions must return immediately.

Shortly after Yeltsin's statement, the commander of the 15th Army of the Far Eastern Military District, Alenev, was the first to openly support all the decisions of Comrade Yeltsin. Subsequently, a large number of local and military leaders of the Russian Federation expressed their opposition to the State Emergency Committee and support Yeltsin.

Faced with a rapidly turning situation, the National Emergency Committee finally sensed that something was wrong and decided to take enforcement action with hindsight - but it was too late. The armored forces attacking the Russian parliament building encountered great obstacles, and a large number of troops began to defect, and the defeat of the committee was already a certainty.

At 21 o'clock on the 21st, Goetz issued a statement announcing that he was in full control of the situation, that he had restored his once-interrupted contact with the outside world, and that he would be able to assume his duties as president in a few days.

Thus, the whole August incident ended with the failure of the Commission......

At 2 a.m. on August 22, the plane arrived in Moscow, and Goethy finally returned to his post under the protection of Viktor, a close confidant sent by Yeltsin (the name is not very familiar). Yes, the group of absolute cronies used by Yeltsin were all sent to him by Su Chenyu, and even his own personal guard, Victor, was sent over.

At the same time, Goe's liquidation of the State Emergency Committee was also carried out in an orderly manner. On the 22nd, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet held a meeting and agreed to the report of the Prosecutor General, arresting and criminalizing Baklanov, Borkin, Valennikov, Starodubtsev and Schernin.

On the 23rd, Goesh formally reshuffled the power organs, appointing Shaposhnikov as Minister of Defense and Baranikov as Minister of Internal Affairs.

Su Chenyu also got what he wanted, and Vajim Bakatin was appointed chairman of the KGB - and one of his fists had already been punched.

On 23 July, Russian President Boris Yeltsin issued an order to stop all activities of the Russian Communist Party. Subsequently, by order of Goth, Yeltsin and the mayor of Moscow, the building of the Central Committee of the CPSU was seized.

At 18:30 on the 23rd, the party flag on the front of the Central Committee of the CPSU was replaced by the red, white and blue tricolor flag of Russia before the October Revolution.

On the 24th, Goetz issued a statement -- resigning from the post of ZSJ of the Central Committee of the CPSU, demanding that the CPSU dissolve itself and that the organizations in the union republics decide their own future.

On the same day, Yeltsin issued an order announcing the official takeover of all movable and immovable property of the CPSU and the Russian Communist Party, completely destroying their economic base.

On the 29th, the Supreme Soviet adopted a resolution to terminate the activities of the CPSU throughout the country - thus the CPSU, which had a history of 93 years, had been in power for more than 70 years, and still had 15 million members, was completely destroyed.

With the intense upheaval of the events of August, the huge Soviet opened the fast lane of accelerating into the abyss, and the polar bear was not far from completely falling......

ps: This chapter is a bit watery, and it's hard to write about such a sensitive event itself, so you can only forcibly do it! Forgive me, then Su Dashao turned into a carrying dog and vowed to empty the polar bear's arsenal!