The next day. There are still reporters who keep coming to interview Zhang Pingchang and Xiao Zhen. Zhang Wukouwei only knew about the famous trouble, and under the pretext of inspecting the reinforcement of the Xiaxun River embankment dam in the Dingjiang River, he simply hid in the countryside. Xiao is in trouble here, he is the executive deputy mayor, and since the mayor is gone, he will definitely not be able to leave, because according to his duties, he will exercise power in place of the mayor in his absence.

However, Xiao Zhen also has Xiao Zhen's method, and there is a characteristic in the Chinese system, called ostrich tactics. The Xiao family made a direct phone call to Xu Fei, asking her to block these reporters in the name of the Information Center of the Propaganda Department of the Langliu Municipal Party Committee, and then simply sent Hu Yuze out, and took out a large stack of "Vice Mayor Xiao's itinerary" to prove that he was so busy that he didn't even have time to eat and sleep, and he really couldn't be interviewed, so he finally quieted down for a while.

Sitting in the office, Xiao Ding didn't do those schedules at all, "It's arranged." things. He sat quietly behind his desk. The whole person sank into the wide and soft backrest. His eyes were closed, deep in thought.

Since confirming the matter of the Eight Sages King's alliance with Zhang Pingchang, although Xiao Zhen has not made any major moves, he has also made some tentatives in the past few days, and in general, there are joys and worries. Happily, the municipal party committee is indeed not monolithic; The worry is that even if it is not an iron plate, the wooden board can definitely be counted, and neither he nor Zhang Pingchang has a knife in their hands, so they can split the wooden board without seeing it.

During Yang Haoyuan's tenure as mayor, the relationship with the members of the municipal party committee was not very good. Ren Zhitong and Qi Wenle are two deputy secretaries, Qi Wenle has no conflict with the then mayor Yang Haoyuan because he is in charge of party affairs, and it is a little better, but Ren Zhitong and Yang Haoyuan are originally a bit like competitors, Ren Zhitong is one of the main forces of Hao Wenyong's faction, relying on the support of Secretary Hao Wenyong, he has divided part of Yang Haoyuan's administrative power. But later, after Hao Wenyong was suddenly promoted to vice governor, and Yang Haoyuan came on as a substitute, Ren Zhitong quickly got mixed up with Secretary Yang, which fully proved that the interests of the system are above all else. Target.

But no matter what, the relationship between Ren Zhitong and Yang Haoyuan is not particularly stable, as if no matter how well the hymen is repaired, it can't really be. Although Ren Zhitong quickly changed his ways, and Yang Haoyuan also accepted it generously, in fact, both of them still had pimples in their hearts. Xiao Sai felt at this time that Ren Zhitong was instructed by Yang Haoyuan to go to the Far East some time ago, maybe the two were sharing the spoils in advance.

As for Qi Wenle, this deputy secretary is not far from Yang Haoyuan, but basically according to the habits in the system, he subconsciously maintains the same pace as the secretary. As for his position, Xiao Ding is a little unclear, but I think that the deputy secretary will not object to Secretary Yang Haoyuan's intentions under normal circumstances, but if Zhang Pingchang's opinion is different from Yang Haoyuan's, although he may most likely still be consistent with the secretary's opinion, it seems that he will not offend Zhang Pingchang much.

A key figure is Ma Zheng, deputy secretary of the municipal party committee and secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection, Secretary Ma was directly sent to Langliu by the Provincial Commission for Discipline Inspection, he came to Langliu a year earlier than Xiao Zhen, and now he has done four in Langliu, and his term will expire soon. Secretary Ma Zheng is said to be relatively iron-faced and selfless, of course. The secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection can generally give people this feeling. Therefore, this first feeling is not necessarily accurate, maybe this is just a standard mask for leading cadres from the Commission for Discipline Inspection.

The key is that his attitude towards Secretary Yang Haoyuan is relatively vague, Xiao Ke remembers that when dealing with Lin Zhili's problem, although Secretary Ma seemed to have done it after both Hao Wenyong and Yang Haoyuan greeted him, but once he did it, it was thunderous, and he found out Lin Zhili's problem in one go. Obviously, this is not an effect that can be achieved by improvising, although it is also because Xiao Zhen and Li Yunxin have identified several major problems in advance, but it can also be seen that Secretary Ma has noticed Lin Zhili before. And there are calculations, but it may be temporarily forbearable for some reasons, as for these reasons, I think it is just a person who is worried about Lin Zhili's head.

In this way, Xiao Du's understanding of Secretary Ma Zheng is that he belongs to a typical cadre of the Commission for Discipline Inspection, and because his time in Langliu is not too long, the entanglement with the local forces in Langliu is not particularly serious. To some extent, he is neither the person of Hao Wenyong, the former secretary of Langliu, nor the person of Yang Haoyuan, the current secretary. Xiao Bin thinks. This Secretary Ma should be regarded as a pair that can be fought for

The sixth place is Xiao himself, so naturally there is no need to say it. After Xiao Ding, it was Zhao Chong, the head of the organization. Speaking of Zhao Chong, Xiao Ding himself could imagine his attitude towards himself. At the beginning of 94, when he came to Langliu, he served as the deputy secretary of Dingqing District, and Minister Zhao Chong personally sent it to Dingqing District to announce the appointment decision; Later, when he was promoted to secretary of the district party committee, it was still Minister Zhao Chong who personally went to Dingqing District to announce the appointment decision. From this point of view, Zhao Chong can be described as Xiao Ding's old leader. But it was such a relationship between an old leader and an old subordinate, and in just three years, he actually had a reversal. The old subordinate actually jumped up to the front of the old leader. The ranking of the municipal party committee is exactly one place ahead of him. Xiao Ke sometimes couldn't help but think, I don't know if this arrangement was made by Secretary Yue really wanted to promote himself, or if Governor Liu deliberately hurt himself, if he could, he really wanted to take the initiative to move his ranking back one place. Fight with Minister Zhao, swap and let him be in front of him. Just for this one

Throwing off the ranking of the municipal party committee, which only seems to be useless, makes Minister Zhao stay away from Ziyaya. And then maintain a cold attitude towards the entire city government.

Even with this attitude, Xiao Ding felt that it was only because Mayor Zhang Pingchang did not seize power and did not have a power conflict with Minister Zhao that he maintained a calm appearance. If Zhang Pingchang and himself begin to have signs of seizing power. Minister Zhao will obviously have a bigger opinion, so he will be closer to Secretary Yang Haoyuan by that time. There is no doubt about that.

Li Jiayong, secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, is a complete local cadre who has worked on the public security front. After the position of the director of the Municipal Public Security Bureau, he became the secretary of the Political and Legal Committee, and then he no longer served as the director of the Public Security Bureau. concentrate on being the secretary of the political and legal committee. Xiao Zhen doesn't know much about him, but it is said that he should have a good relationship with Hao Wenyong, Hao Wenyong to some extent. It is to have the "grace of knowing him." Target. However, Xiao Bu knew another inside story from Gu Le, the earliest time this secretary Li Jiayong was promoted from an ordinary police officer to the director of a police station in Dingjiang District, it was the decision of Yan Dingnan, the original director of the Langliu City Public Security Bureau. In other words, Secretary Li Jiayong's first "grace." "Actually, it's Gu Le's uncle and Yan Weiyu's father Yan Dingnan.

And the Propaganda Minister Hong Yunxiang, as a female cadre, can enter the Standing Committee, and even say that he can become the Minister of Propaganda, which can be regarded as the light of the organizational principle, which belongs to the principle of eating and taking care of the organization, and the leading group of the municipal party committee should arrange a female cadre, and in the case of a class of female cadres, it is the most common to serve as the head of the United Front Work Department and the Minister of Propaganda, and the same is true for Hong Yunxiang. Minister Hong this. People see, Xiao Xiao doesn't know her details. But her husband seems to be only the deputy general manager of a district management enterprise in Tingjiang District, and his administrative level is much lower than hers, and he doesn't look like a big backstage talent. As for her style, Xiao Zhen doesn't know anything else, only that she likes to use female cadres in the Propaganda Department, and she is also willing to promote female cadres, such as Xu Fei, who was recommended by Hu Ming at the beginning, and was favored and promoted by her.

Cao Rumin, the minister of the United Front Work Department, is also a local faction of Langliu, and this is the well-known Hao Wenyong die-hard. He was originally just an ordinary village teacher. Later, I didn't know how to be transferred to the county education commission, and then in an inspection, he was the secretary of the prefectural party committee at that time, and Langliu had not yet been promoted to the city, and the highest position of the party committee of Langliu was the secretary of the prefectural party committee. Du Wenyong took a fancy to Hao Wenyong's network at that time. I like the feeling of manipulating other people's future and fate. In one sentence, Cao Rumin was promoted from an ordinary clerk of the county education commission to the deputy director of the education commission, and then he was promoted year after year, and finally entered the standing committee of the municipal party committee before Hao Wenyong left Langliu and became the head of the United Front Work Department. Although the weight of the United Front Work Minister is relatively light in the Standing Committee. But he went from a rural teacher to a clerk of the county education commission, if Hao Wenyong was not there, he would basically have stopped in the county education commission in this life. If you're lucky, it's great to be able to give a deputy department when you retire, but because of Hao Wenyong, he not only didn't stay in that position, but also became one of the main leaders of the municipal party committee in less than ten years, his gratitude to Hao Wenyong is obvious, and his natural attitude towards Yang Haoyuan, who has always been against Hao Wenyong, is more general, which is generally after Yang Haoyuan became the secretary of the municipal party committee, and he has always stood on Secretary Hao's side to suppress Yang Haoyuan.

The Minister of People's Armed Forces, the first person, is a soldier in service, and his first identity is the political commissar of the Langliu Armed Police Garrison. Since he is a person in the military system, Xiao is not particularly worried, this person will find a way to unite and unite.

As for Dai Xinjun, secretary general of the municipal party committee, Xiao has no expectations. He was originally the secretary-general of the municipal government, and now he can be the secretary-general of the municipal party committee, and he is obviously Yang Haoyuan's cronies and brought him over directly. Xiao Ding didn't have any idea about him, and he wouldn't even deliberately approach him, because the only effect of approaching him was to let Yang Haoyuan immediately know that Zhang Pingchang and Xiao Zhen had already had an unusual reaction, which was purely to startle the snake.

After such a careful analysis, Xiao Cai suddenly appeared, there are twelve Standing Committee members, and there are very few real secretaries of Yang Haoyuan, and several comrades seem to be "subconsciously" on his side because Yang Haoyuan has the identity of a secretary, in fact, he does not necessarily have a good impression of Secretary Yang. Of course, this point is the most powerful point, in Huaxia, the secretary is the secretary, and the leader is the leader!

How much power does the secretary really have? It's a conundrum.

In ancient times, there was a popular temptation: "The county order that breaks the family, and the mansion Yin who destroys the door" shows that the power of the county order and the prefect is great, and it has the ability to cause great harm to the grass people, but compared with today's county party secretary and municipal party secretary, the county governor and the prefect are only a small thing, and the resources they control and the degree of freedom in the use of power are far inferior to today's secretaries.

A few years ago, the secretary of a county-level city in Cao Cao's hometown held a military parade and gathered uniformed civil servants from all over the county for him to review. There was no explicit punishment for this wrongdoing, and he was finally sentenced for greed. Not long ago, the secretary of a county party committee in a certain province in southwest China left office, and the local officials and people put up a banner in front of the antique city wall: "It is obvious that the wise leader Li Moumou left Shou County, and what the secretary of the municipal party committee in front wanted to experience was just a "evasion and quietness" to open the way for the prestige of the officials, and the officials of a certain county in the back were nothing more than restoring the tradition of giving the "umbrella of the people". But why are their actions so eye-catching and giving people the feeling of "borrowing and overstepping the system"? In addition to Xiao Zhen's doubts about the political wisdom of this kind of person, the most important reason for Bu Yi is that today's secretary of the Gu Committee and the judge of a certain party in charge are confused, so it is difficult for their behavior to be defined by a network standard, and everything exists in the sense but not the words.

For example, in ancient China, especially in the Ming and Qing dynasties, the country was governed by etiquette, what kind of officials had what kind of specifications, there were clear regulations, worshipping the heavens and parades, and the military parade was the patent of the Son of Heaven. If you break the rules, it's a big sin, so everyone can follow them.

Today, we live in a country where the political definition is that "the people are the masters of the country", and officials, regardless of rank, are "servants of the people." "But in essence, officials at all levels hold the power of their predecessors. Such a disguise of the parents' official status in the name of a public servant will inevitably bring confusion in name to reality. The military parade of the secretary of the county party committee was originally a kind of psychological trick for the magistrates in the imperial era to show their prestige, but it can be interpreted as checking the mental outlook of the county's law enforcement contingent so as to better serve the people.

"Farewell to the wise leader. It was originally a variant of the "Wanmin Umbrella", which can still be interpreted as the deep affection between the government and the people.

In layman's terms, the official uniforms worn by the prefects and counties in ancient times, and the sedan chairs they rode on, were regulated by formal regulations, and no one dared to take a step beyond the thunder pool. However, for the ruling party, which claims to represent the advanced, it must be criticized and discarded as a "feudal and backward" system and culture on the surface and in words, but in substance and at the operational level, such rules have been changed and stubbornly survived, such as the security specifications of officials, the standards for the use of vehicles, and the provision that only officials above a certain level can have secretaries. To all kinds of "multiplier more than system." Therefore, it is not uncommon for local officials to have "specifications" in all aspects, and the township government also dares to build office buildings according to the city building, and the county and city can also build a large square with a Huabiao and a Jinshui Bridge.

The root cause of these conflicts is the contradiction between the words and deeds of those in power, the inconsistency between what they say and what they say, and the inconsistency between what they say and what they do. How all officials grasp these official arts without causing trouble on themselves depends entirely on political wisdom and experience as officials, and there is nothing similar to the ancient edicts to refer to. On the contrary, the party constitution stipulates that the rights of every party member are equal. From this, the phenomenon of "overstepping the system" can be glimpsed into the leopard, and in today's political arena, the power of unspoken rules is greater than that of any dynasty, and the gap between explicit rules and unspoken rules is far greater than that of previous generations.

So from this point of view, in fact, the power of the secretary in his jurisdiction is an extremely vague position, or it is not precisely defined at all.

There is also the question of the source of power. Before the end of the Chinese Empire, there were two ways of authorization, and the source of power for these two types of authorization was the same: "ordained by heaven" and "divine authority granted by the monarch".

Before Qin unified the Six Kingdoms, it was a real "feudal." The "feudal" period was a hierarchical way of authorization. After the Qin Dynasty, the county system began to be implemented. It has been influencing China until today. This authorization is a direct authorization. There is only one source of power: an emperor. The prefect, prefect, governor, and governor have high and low official positions, but they have no subordinate relationship with each other, they are all court officials, and they are all authorized by the emperor. The prefect obeys the prefect's orders, which is just a procedure for the operation of power, and the purpose is to run errands for the county emperor and the imperial court, because the power of the prefect is not given by the prefect. Therefore, the lowest level of the Ming and Qing governments, the chief executive of Yizhi County, was appointed and assessed by the imperial court. The Qing emperor's reception of the new county decree was a symbolic message: you are only responsible for the couplet, and your official seal is given by the couplet. Therefore, although the subordinates also had to flatter their superiors at that time, after all, the world is big, and the imperial court's grasp of information is limited, and it will be very troublesome to offend the boss, but after all, his black gauze hat is not directly given by the top boss, and the top boss only has the right to participate in impeachment, promote, and assist in the assessment of officials. The personal dependence of the prefect on the prefect and the prefect on the governor is not very strong.

But now, it has made progress, and the progress lies in the fact that the general secretary will certainly not personally decide on the appointment and dismissal of the secretary of a certain county party committee, the general secretary can only appoint and dismiss the secretary of the provincial party committee, and the secretary of the provincial party committee will appoint and dismiss the secretary of the municipal party committee, and the secretary of the municipal party committee will appoint and dismiss the secretary of the district party committee. Levels of power go down. Of course, procedurally speaking, there is also a party congress, but this thing is basically the ears of the deaf. It's just a decoration. The secretary has the greatest power. Isn't it the right to personnel? Got hold of the officer's hat. Do you still dare to be disobedient?

Even if it is the appointment, dismissal and transfer of the Standing Committee at the same level. Higher-level departments and leaders must also solicit the secretary's opinion, and if the secretary has a strong opinion on this comrade, it is usually very unfavorable to this comrade.

Therefore, the power of the secretary actually has no boundaries within the jurisdiction.

However, after all, the Standing Committee is a Standing Committee, and although the secretary may insist on going his own way to suppress the opposition of the entire Standing Committee, if there are too many such things, the prestige of this secretary will be completely destroyed, and the higher-level departments and leaders will definitely feel that there is something wrong with this team, and how can a secretary who is completely unable to unite comrades be qualified for the post of secretary?

This article of the Standing Committee may be the only one that can restrict the authority of secretaries within its jurisdiction.

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