Chapter 016 Planning before the Standing Committee

Sunday, July 3rd. Four black Sè Audi sedans drove into the Jinning Taihu Hotel one after another. A few people got out of the car, and the hotel service manager, who had been waiting for a long time, respectfully introduced the gate.

A few minutes later, the door to the Platinum VIP Presidential Suite No. 1 on the top floor was opened, and four middle-aged men ranging in age from forty to fifty walked in with a smile on their faces. The men in the room stood tall and shook hands with them one by one.

"It's all old comrades, so let's not be polite, let's sit down at will." The man in the room was naturally none other than Xiao Chen, deputy secretary of the Jiangdong Provincial Party Committee and secretary of the Commission for Discipline Inspection.

The people gathered here today are not outsiders, they are Executive Vice Governor Yu Keke, Minister of Organization of the Provincial Party Committee Yang Yaomin, Secretary of the Wucheng Municipal Party Committee Chen Wei Bō, and Liangxi Municipal Party Secretary Zhao Jiemin, all of whom are members of the Standing Committee of the Jiangdong Provincial Party Committee. If Xiao Chen is added, then today it can be regarded as almost half of the Standing Committee of the Jiangdong Provincial Party Committee.

There are a total of 12 members of the Standing Committee of the Jiangdong Provincial Party Committee, three of whom are secretaries of the Municipal Party Committee, namely the Secretary of the Jinning Municipal Party Committee, the Secretary of the Wucheng Municipal Party Committee, and the Secretary of the Liangxi Municipal Party Committee. There are a total of thirteen prefecture-level cities in Jiangdong Province, namely: Jinning, Wucheng, Liangxi, Pengcheng, Yanling, Jinghai, Gangcheng, Huaiyīn, Yandu, Guangling, Jingkou, Hailing and Suyu. In addition to the provincial capital Jinning, Wucheng and Liangxi are the two strongest cities in the economy, in addition to these two strong, there is Yanling in southern Jiangsu is often listed together with Wucheng and Liangxi, called Wuliangyan, that is, the representative of the southern Jiangsu model. The economy of northern Jiangsu has lagged behind that of southern Jiangsu for many years, and the most important of them are Pengcheng, a transportation hub, and Gangcheng, a famous seaport city. Pengcheng is also a large mining city, coal and other large reserves, belongs to one of the old industrial bases, is in the transition stage, last year Xiao Chen also had the National Development and Reform Commission deputy director and Zhendong Office director to guide the work.

Today, Xiao Chen and others gathered before the Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee, naturally to prepare for tomorrow's Standing Committee of the Provincial Party Committee. The most crucial thing in the so-called preparation is, of course, to achieve "internal agreement" on the appointments, dismissals, and transfers of several personnel to be discussed tomorrow, which, according to the official term, is called an exchange of views.

"Secretary Xiao, there are seven or eight more key positions to be adjusted at once this time, and we can't miss them all." Executive Vice Governor Yu Ke was the first to speak with a smile.

Xiao Chen understood what Yu Wei meant, Liang Biqi, director of the Provincial Development and Reform Commission, has reached the age of taking a back seat, especially his own health is not very good, this is the third time to report that he can not continue to stay in the front-line post to work, for his position, this time the provincial party committee must be adjusted, but the importance of the position of director of the National Development and Reform Commission is self-evident, Governor Zhou has long been eyeing this position, and even Secretary Li may have aimed at this position. But if Yu Ke wants to have enough say in the provincial government, then the director of the Provincial Development and Reform Commission is also an important chess piece that must be won over.

Xiao Chen smiled: "For some positions, the comrades who want to retire also have the right to recommend, and this point is generally seriously considered in the organization in actual work." ”

When Yu Ke heard this, he immediately understood what Xiao Chen meant, Secretary Xiao was telling Yu Ke that about Liang Biqi's abdication, it was best to let Liang Biqi himself open his mouth to recommend a person who he was satisfied with by Governor Yu. Who is it organizationally? "Organizationally" in most cases, there are three people: the secretary of the provincial party committee, the deputy secretary of the party and the masses, and the head of the organization department. If a candidate for the position of number one is recommended by the previous leader, verified by the head of the organization, and approved by the deputy secretary, then even if it is the secretary, it is not easy to veto it casually.

Yu Ke smiled with satisfaction and didn't continue to speak.

This time it was Chen Wei who spoke, he smiled and asked, "Secretary Xiao, I heard that the provincial governor plans to let Yu Zhengqing be the deputy secretary of the party and the masses of the Pengcheng City Party Committee?" ”

"Governor Zhou has something to say." Xiao Chen replied calmly, his face was natural.

Chen Wei and Zhao Jiemin glanced at each other and said with a smile: "Yu Zhengqing, in terms of leadership...... I'm afraid this position will have to be reconsidered, right? ”

Xiao Chen smiled slightly: "Yes." ”

Zhao Jiemin also shook his head on the side: "He has no experience in party affairs, in the work of serving Governor Zhou, the main contact is economic work, I think he may have some understanding of economic work, but party affairs work is ...... Personally, I think it's better to be more cautious, what do you say? Zhao Jiemin did not add the word Xiao in front of the word secretary, it is said that only the main secretary is directly called the secretary, and the deputy secretary generally has to add the surname. But Zhao Jiemin is naturally not without common sense, but he used to work in Xiao Chen's team as a squad leader, Xiao Chen was the secretary of the municipal party committee at that time, and Zhao Jiemin was just called according to the original title. There are many rules in the system, among which if the past leader is still your leader after everyone is promoted, then in some cases you continue to call him his past position, not to snub people, but to show closeness, which is the case with Zhao Jiemin at the moment.

Xiao Chen listened and nodded slightly: "I see it this way too, but the governor is very resolute this time, and the last time the secretary met, he slapped the table with Lao Yang for this matter." ”

The three of them immediately looked at Yang Yaomin, and Yang Yaomin smiled: "Then Yu Zhengqing doesn't know what kind of mí soup he poured into Lao Zhou, Lao Zhou was very moved that day, and I am also more curious about this." He paused, and then smiled at Xiao Chen: "But Secretary Xiao, I still adhere to the principle of that day, the deputy secretary of the party and the masses in Pengcheng cannot be handed over to Lao Zhou, it must be held in our hands." ”

Before Xiao Chen could answer, Yu Ke first agreed: "I agree with Lao Yang's opinion, Pengcheng is the largest city in northern Jiangsu, a larger city with local legislative power approved by the Government Council, one of the three major metropolitan core cities and four megacities in our province's key planning and construction, and one of the six central cities in the Huaxia section of the New Eurasian Continental Bridge and the central city of the Huaihai Economic Zone, and is now a megacity with a population of more than three million at the eastern end of the Second Eurasian Continental Bridge. Pengcheng is known as the "thoroughfare of five provinces" by "Huaihai in the east, the Central Plains in the west, the Jianghuai in the south, and Qilu in the north". Beijing-Shanghai Railway, Longhai Railway, Beijing-Shanghai High-speed Railway, Xulan Passenger Line intersect here, and the Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal runs through the north and south of Pengcheng and Weishan Lake in the north. The highway extends in all directions, connecting Beijing and Tianjin in the north, Shanghai-Nanjing in the south, Lanxin in the west, and the seaside in the east, which is an important water and land transportation hub in China and an important 'crossroads' of east-west and north-south economic ties. In particular, last year, Pengcheng's economic growth rate was the first in the province, although there is still a large distance from Wucheng and Liangxi in terms of total amount, but in northern Jiangsu, it is second to none, such a big city, how can the party affairs work not be handed over to the party secretary, but to the governor? ”

Xiao Chen listened, in fact, he was a little helpless and a little regretful. Officialdom has always been a human field, and a human field is a circle, just like the rivers and lakes in martial arts, what are the rivers and lakes composed of? Naturally, they are human beings, and these people are divided into various sects, just like officialdom and their circles. As a member of a large circle in the officialdom, Xiao Chen also has a circle around him, and no matter how helpless Xiao Chen is about the reasons for these comrades in the circle to recommend people, he must also conform to this rule, and he cannot rebel or rebel. Just as a sail battleship can't go against the wind, Xiao Chen can't resist his own circle. If the battleship can go against the wind, it can only be possible to evolve the sail battleship itself into a steam turbine warship and an internal combustion engine warship. Now, it's impossible.

This reminded Xiao Chen of the word "reverse elimination" again.

The so-called "reverse elimination" or elite elimination, refers to the phenomenon that in the political and academic fields, those who have real talent and real learning and moral integrity are coldly treated, excluded and attacked, suppressed, and even eliminated first. The accompanying phenomenon is that some mediocre or even bad people who lack talents, have mediocre abilities, have low realms, and have poor moral character, or even bad people, on the contrary, they have become the victors of the competition in officialdom and survived tenaciously because they are good at speculation and drilling. Su Zhe of the Chinese Song Dynasty once vividly called this phenomenon the phenomenon of "a gentleman can't fight a villain" in Chinese officialdom.

Why does this phenomenon, which has a long history in the feudal society of China, still occur repeatedly and commonplace after China enters the republic? Xiao Chen has always believed that this should be found in the bureaucratic and political life of China to find the deep institutional causes.

As we all know, in the Chinese bureaucratic political tradition, there is a legacy that has been passed down from generation to generation, and that is the system of appointing officials at all levels. In mainland China, except for village officials, who are actually elected by the villagers (this does not include the party branch secretary who really has the final say in the village), officials at all levels are not elected by the people, but are discovered and appointed by the superiors. In today's China, all the election of officials above the village official level, including the so-called differential election, is arranged by the superiors, and the electors are just raising their hands, drawing circles, and making appearances according to the intentions of the superiors. Occasionally, the phenomenon of a non-candidate being elected in the election of an institution at or above the county level will be big news in the local area and even in China, and this is an abnormal phenomenon of officialdom that does not have institutional significance.

In fact, since the appointment mechanism of officials is controlled by superiors, since the Cultural Revolution, in recent decades after the disillusionment of ideals and the decline of faith, officials in Chinese officialdom, in order to run for a good future, their foothold and starting point for entering the officialdom is obviously not to serve the noble cause as the purpose of being an official, but to serve their own superiors or superiors as the core task. Anyone who has spent some time in Chinese officialdom can feel that the most successful officials in Chinese officialdom who can call the wind and rain are the most salient characteristics of being "people" rather than doing things. Of course, there are real-life examples of successful officials who can do things and be people, but this is definitely not the mainstream among the most successful officials. Officials who can only do things but not people are often hopeless for promotion. This is because the evaluation, appointment, and dismissal of officials do not mainly depend on how many achievements they can make, but on how closely they have a relationship with their superiors. Those who can manipulate their superiors can soar and wear stable black yarns, while those who are estranged from their superiors have few opportunities for promotion. Those who can be like a fish in water in the circle of leadership life will be promoted and reused, but they are limited to tossing in the circle of leadership work, and there are few opportunities for promotion.

As a result, it is very easy for people to find that "reporting good news but not bad news" and flattering them when they interact with their superiors and treat their subordinates with contempt, and this has become the norm for officials at all levels in the Chinese officialdom to get along and intersect with each other.

It is precisely this characteristic of the system, characterized by personal dependence, that leads to the fact that the subordinates are only responsible to the superiors, and the subordinates are absolutely subordinate to the superiors, rather than to the people they govern, which inevitably leads to the elimination of the reverse elite that defies the common sense anti-Darwinian rules.

The system of survival of the fittest was originally the most effective mechanism for human society to select talents, that is, to select the outstanding and eliminate the mediocre through certain competition rules. The "reverse elimination" is not, it is to eliminate the outstanding top-notch talents, but to provide opportunities for the survival and development of those who are good at sycophancy. Although Huaxia has now begun to openly select officials from certain institutions below the provincial level, this kind of selection is not yet the main channel for officials to be promoted, and its attraction to officials is not as great as some organizers of the selection examination imagined.

From the human being, the reason for this is that the mechanism of "reverse elimination" is actually hidden in human nature. Because in human nature, there is a weakness that everyone has, that is, they all like to listen to pleasant good words, and like others to flatter and pat on the back. The elites often rely on their talents and high status to disdain speculation, and the mediocre people do not rely on the horses to meet but cannot survive. This determines that the latter will inevitably use all his talents to cater to his superiors and entrap them. In the officialdom pattern characterized by personal dependence, there are eight out of ten people who are superiors. Nine clearly appreciates the latter's performance. This undoubtedly provides more opportunities for promotion for mediocre people who devote their talents and energy to pandering to their superiors and entrap them. The result of such a gradual elimination is bound to be a complete victory for the mediocre.

The real political life uses many living facts to tell people that in a society where officials are superior, the process of eliminating elites is actually one of the main contents of daily political life. When many maverick elites are eliminated and stifled, the whole society will inevitably gradually move towards a situation where all horses are in unison, and the vitality and tension of the system will be slowly suffocated.

With the institutional arrangement of officials and superiors, coupled with the state's monopoly on the supply of major interests, China's officialdom has been a huge black hole that absorbs and destroys top talents since ancient times. It not only attracts all the world's elites to it, but also, through the state's violent and cultural monopoly, makes it impossible for talents to have a better way out than to be dependent on the state. Back then, Li Shimin, Taizong of the Tang Dynasty, watched the scholars from all over the country enter the field to take the exam, and he once said happily: "The heroes of the world are in my middle school." In a society where the vast number of intellectuals are officials and superiors, the only way to get ahead is to become officials.

When countless talent elites are crowded on the only single-plank bridge to become an official, you compete for me, deceive me, and even see the bayonet red, and the competition is naturally cruel. In this kind of struggle for survival without a bottom line, generally only the thick black wins, and those who abide by the lofty morality cào guards, if they do not conform to the officialdom culture and the prevailing unspoken rules with the attitude of "outer circle and inner square", there are few who are not eliminated. As a result, we can always see that people with high personality often lose at the hands of people with low personality; Those with a high level of education often lose out at the hands of those with a low level of education; Those who tell the truth are often defeated by those who tell lies.

This is the fundamental reason why "reverse elimination" or elite elimination can be so popular in Chinese officialdom.

The Chinese people have always had the old tradition of exhausting their national elite through fighting in the nest, and the bloody cruelty of the struggle in the nest and the large-scale destruction of the top talents of their own nation are only seen in the world. Usually people tend to simply attribute it to the inferior nature of the nation, and there is a well-known saying: "China has a population of 600 million, don't you fight"? Why has the fight in the nest been endless for thousands of years in China, and why do Chinese people have the weird thinking of "fighting with others for endless fun"?

The only answer is "system". There are no inferior nations in the world, only inferior systems.

Xiao Chen often thinks about some deep-seated questions. China has historically been a large agricultural country. With a large population, few industries, and fewer opportunities to make a fortune, everyone lives miserably on the quasi-starvation line, demanding the means of subsistence from limited resources. In the social sequence of agriculture and industry, it is often said that "peers are enemies", and it is indeed a truth in a society where the success of others is the "zero-sum game" of one's own failure. If each of the 100 people had a different opportunity to make a fortune or develop, then because of the diverse division of labor, they would be at peace with each other, and they would be mutually beneficial; And if a hundred people have only one chance to make a fortune or develop, they will inevitably have to go into battle shirtless and fight for it. The folk image is said to be "no pig arch pig in the trough". Under the condition that the stock of social wealth is fixed, the more people participate in the distribution, the more fierce the competition, and this is the fundamental crux of the tragic social and political struggle in China from ancient times to the present, the uncontrollable official skills of the eunuchs, the restless social cycle, and the poverty and ignorance of the people. Looking at the current national policy orientation from this perspective, it is easy to understand what is going on with the driving force behind all levels of government at all levels of the country, without exception, pursuing the rate of economic growth.

The institutional consequences of personal control and personal dependence have left individuals with neither independent political nor economic status, and even the material benefits they once obtained are unstable and can be wiped out at any time in the face of the state's violent apparatus.

In the long history of China, people like Han Xin, Bai Qi, Wu Zixu, Wen Chong, etc., are all familiar with famous generals or ministers, and the emperors they are loyal to have made great contributions, however, their endings are very tragic, and they have no right to survive despite the world. This kind of tragedy of "those who cover the world is not rewarded, and those who bravely shake the master are in danger" are full of Chinese history and have always been with the traditional Chinese society. Why can't they escape the tragic fate of "rabbits dead and dogs cooking"? The answer is that the institutional arrangements of physical dependence make all people vulnerable. Without personal liberty guaranteed by law, without sacrosanct property rights, no one could be a free person except the emperor in the past history of China. In fact, as far as the definition of contemporary political science is concerned, the emperors of China were not free people in the modern sense.

Even in today's China, people always complain about the lack of character and character of intellectuals. The so-called "if the skin does not exist, máo will be attached", it refers to the thousand-year-old disease and thousand-year-old pain of Chinese intellectuals. Xiao Chen has always believed that, in the final analysis, the culprit that led Chinese intellectuals to always play this tragic role is the institutional arrangement of the official superiors and the state monopolizing the supply of benefits.

Since Qin Shi Huang unified China, Chinese intellectuals have become "máo" attached to the ** regime. In a society where the government is the sole employer, once a person is blacklisted by the government, he can only be left to his disposal without resistance. Therefore, in this kind of society, the so-called independent personality of scholars, the so-called freedom of speech, freedom of thought, and personal freedom can only be a fool's dream.

Dignity and hunger do not go hand in hand, just as ice and charcoal are incompatible. The iron rule of traditional Chinese society is: to control a person's salary, you can control his will. Without independent economic rights, there can be no independent political rights. Only with a stable economic income can we have an independent personality and a complete will. If you are not financially independent and rely on food and food, it will be difficult to keep festivals morally. However, if an individual loses his or her independent personality, his thoughts are subordinate to his employer, he does not care about right and wrong, and the party fights against differences, then there is no civil society at all.

The so-called "civil society" is a concept that evolves naturally. It originated in ancient Greece and Rome and at first referred to the socio-political life of citizens of those city-states who enjoyed citizenship. By the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries AD, civil society had evolved into a commercial urban civilization in Western Europe that was independent of the feudal lordship, meaning a secular space of freedom free from feudal obligations and theocracy. In the Renaissance stage, the connotation of Western civil society gradually tended to be enriched, adding political democracy, checks and balances of power, social contract, ideological pluralism and other contents, and became independent of the state and the public sphere, with a series of independent civil organizations, political parties, societies, clubs, salons, schools, churches, trade unions, guilds, communications, publishing, journalism, charities, etc. as its own form of existence. Civil society is between the two poles of citizens and the state, which is not only the link between citizens and the state, but also constitutes a protective barrier for individual citizens, and at the same time forms an effective constraint on imperial power and government.

The mature civil society of Britain and the United States and other countries was built on the foundation of John. Locke's idea that "society is above the state", so that the power of society is stronger than the power of the state and the power of government. The individual citizen is the smallest element of the modern state, and the civil society regulates the relationship between individual citizens according to the principle of non-coercion and non-violence, and organizes several larger units from the bottom up, from small to large, so as to have the power that individual citizens do not have. A mature civil society not only has the tangible power of several organizations, but also has the invisible power because of the belief in the inviolability of human space and public space among individual citizens, and resolves the contradictions between a large number of individual citizens, making it difficult to nurture social problems that can only be solved by the use of violence. It can be seen that a mature and perfect civil society can not only effectively resist the infringement of citizens' human rights by the power from the government, but also avoid the situation of "power without borders". It will also act as a regulator of social stability, thus making the room for maneuver of potential totalitarians greatly reduced or even eliminated.

In its recorded history, China has never formed a civil society independent of the imperial power and the state and its government. Some are just "under the whole world, it is not the king's land; On the shore of the land, it is not a typical subject society of the king's ministers. China's political system has so far been a monolithic political structure that lacks change and does not allow for the emergence of internal rivals. No previous dynasty or contemporary government has ever allowed the emergence of an independent and autonomous social organization that criticizes its authority, and at the same time, it has gradually developed a relatively stable leadership and established a mechanism that can adapt to changes in reality and draw lessons from successes and failures and historical lessons.

In addition, there is no self-governing organization in China that can compare with the Western Catholic Church, which has more than a dozen centuries of religious beliefs and secular wisdom. When there is a reasonable and effective mechanism for absorbing social elites in the upper and lower levels of the Chinese administration of the country (such as the imperial examination system in the past), the demands and aspirations from the grassroots can be brought into the top through those elites who have entered the imperial examination and become the policy of the state.

Before Xiao Chen got a doctorate in economics, he had a double degree, including law. At that time, he had studied this issue, and his conclusion was that in Chinese society, in the face of the people's political demands and struggles, the political fǔ of all dynasties was accustomed to using political coercion and even violent means to quell social resistance, rather than reaching a compromise through the mechanism of interest games.

Since Chinese society has traditionally lacked institutional communication channels between the upper and lower levels and channels for the lower classes to vent their dissatisfaction with the upper classes (this can be clearly demonstrated from the formality of today's petition system), once there is a violent conflict between the lower classes and the upper classes, the lambs, who are usually silent and docile under the oppressive rule, have become bloodthirsty thugs (because everyone in the rabble wants to free ride with impunity), and thus fall into a vicious circle of countering violence with violence.

In Western countries, because of the long-standing tradition of social autonomy and the existence of legitimate opposition parties, society is not prone to disorder, and even if there is a local movement, it is easy to calm society through dialogue between different interest groups. Their opposition parties are called "loyal oppositionists" in order to prevent the political crisis from turning into a full-blown social crisis. For example, even in Italy, a country where the underworld was once very rampant, in the past 50 years, there have been dozens of political crises, the average life expectancy of the political fǔ is less than a year, and there have been 60 political fǔ in 50 years, but although the political fǔ changes frequently, it basically has no great impact on the people and social life. Other countries such as France, Britain, and Germany have also undergone frequent political changes, and the people have long been accustomed to it, and the people's lives have basically not been seriously affected, and the people can do whatever they should do. It would be unimaginable for such a thing to happen in China. Since ancient times, there has been a saying in Huaxia that "if there is no monarch for three days, then you will be panicked", and once the government falls, it must be the great luàn of the world.

There is no room for a legitimate opposition in China, let alone the so-called "shadow cabinet" of Western countries that can take over the government at any time, and when a major crisis occurs in society, it is impossible to have a ready-made substitute (autonomous body or organization) to replace the original provider of order, so as to maintain order, achieve a peaceful transfer of power, and a smooth transition and replacement of government, but only to smash the existing state apparatus and rebuild social order after paying a high price. China's modern state system is actually a system without a brake device, and once the destruction mechanism is activated by the most violent people, it will eventually be irreversibly destroyed.

American economist Douglas. From the standpoint of the institutional school, North once put forward the theory of "path dependence" of institutional change. North argues that there is a mechanism of increasing returns and self-reinforcement in institutional change. This mechanism makes institutional change, once it embarks on a certain path, it will be constantly self-reinforcing in the subsequent development. North said, "History shows that the choices people have made in the past determine the choices they may make now". The established system will do everything possible to maintain its existence, and it is easy to choose a certain system, but it is difficult to give it up. This is also the fundamental reason why countless Chinese people on the mainland cannot understand the so-called "luàn elephant" that occurs in the process of social system transformation of the Chinese people on the treasure island.

Path dependencies have different directions. One situation is that after a certain initial system is selected, it has the effect of increasing returns and promotes economic development; Other relevant institutional arrangements work in the same direction, leading to further institutional changes in favour of economic growth. This is a benign path dependency. On the other hand, after the trajectory of the evolution of a certain system is formed, the efficiency of the initial system decreases, and even begins to hinder the vitality of social and economic activities, and those organizations and individuals who co-prosper with and benefit from this system will do their best to maintain it for their own vested interests. At this time, the society falls into a state of institutional failure, and the development of the whole society comes to a standstill, which is the so-called vicious path dependence.

If we use North's "increasing return-path dependence model" to analyze the political process in China, we can find that there are also the phenomena of increasing returns, self-reinforcement and path dependence in Chinese politics.

In fact, political activities in both China and abroad are collective and have their own operating costs, but some of them have high costs and some have low costs. Political activities are often and strongly constrained by the system, and its dependence on the system is self-evident, which leads to the tendency of individuals and organizations to strengthen the existing system. In China, the complexity and low transparency of politics make it difficult to predict the consequences of political change from the top down, so it is unwise for anyone in power to initiate institutional change in a situation where there is no expectation of institutional change. It is precisely in order to avoid the high costs of institutional change that the decision-makers in China have historically preferred to maintain the existing system, even if it is already inefficient, which is the safest option they prefer. This is why the reckless Gorbachev, who led to the collapse of the former Soviet Union, is not respected in the decision-making hierarchy in China.

Xiao Chen also understands very well that in China, the difficulty of political change is also manifested in the fact that it is very difficult to change concepts in the political process. Once the Chinese people are high-ranking officials and dignitaries in temples or green forest heroes walking in the jungle and grass, once their understanding of society, system, and morality is formed, it is very difficult to change it, and the reason is that the reconstruction of the world view and values of a giant society like Huaxia with a population of 1.3 billion is very expensive. It is extremely difficult for such a super-large ethnic group as the Chinese nation to try to change some basic views on politics and systems, from ideology to certain basic policies of politics, or once their attitudes toward political groups and political parties are formalized.

As long as we look back at the history of China, it is easy to find that whoever is the ruler of a country, when formulating systems and policies, always hopes to limit and prevent his potential successors from changing what they believe in after inheriting the great unification. This is the reason why the preamble of the Chinese constitution is getting longer and longer, and no matter which top leader likes to say that the system he loves will not change for 100 or 50 years. Because any politician with a modicum of historical consciousness will always worry when he is in power that the gravediggers of his policies will change the statecraft he has formulated when he comes to power in the future. He is just to protect his reputation in history, and he will also design the system to make it difficult to change the existing system. Therefore, it is easy to talk about the reform of the system, but it is actually very difficult to do it. This characteristic of Chinese politics makes it particularly difficult for the Chinese state system to get rid of a path that has been formed. The so-called system is stronger than people and the situation is stronger than people, and this is what they want to express.

In China, it is especially important that the distribution of political power is extremely unequal among the members of society, and when some people occupy a position of domination over others, they are all inclined to use the power they hold to strengthen their position. In China's recorded history, we can all see that it is a "zero-sum game", that is, if you win, it means that I am completely finished, and the result is "winner takes all". For any player in the political game, it's all or all, there's no other option. This characteristic of China's political game makes those in power tend to go all out to defend their vested interests, and the result is the self-reinforcement of the system. It is an indisputable historical fact that the phenomenon of path dependence in the evolution of China's political system is still the norm in Chinese history.

It is very unfortunate that in the history of China, the so-called historical curse of "all reformers do not end well" is the truth of history. If you want to be a reformer of the Chinese system, unless you dare to act like Zheng Nanxun and Chiang Ching-kuo, you will not dare to talk lightly about the reform of the political system. Not to mention Zheng Lao's reforms, Chiang Ching-kuo on the other side of the strait only spent two years to atone for his life's tyranny, and was unanimously respected by the blue and green parties behind his death. Unfortunately, however, the history of China cannot be assumed. In the future, we can only hope that the true successor of Zheng Lao's spirit will complete his unfinished great business.

The political practice of the official superiority and the state's monopoly on the supply of benefits in the history of China has enabled the supreme ruler of China to rule over the world's largest group of talking animals for more than 2,000 years. As long as you look at the history of China, anyone can easily find that as long as anyone sits on the dragon chuáng, he will unambiguously act according to the previous emperors he overthrown, and become accustomed to nature. This kind of political and cultural inheritance from generation to generation in China, Chen Chen Xiang, so that the Chinese-style bureaucratic politics characterized by officials and superiors has become the most dominant gene of Chinese political culture, although the dynasty is constantly changing, but the political governance structure and model have been repeatedly cloned. Therefore, in essence, the rebellion or revolution that occurred in the history of China was just a simple reaction of the replacement of the marginal group and the central group in Chinese society, and it was purely a change of surname to change the ownership of the country.

It is no wonder that the ancients in China wanted to sigh helplessly: "Sad that the Qin and Han dynasties are in the place, and the palace is made of soil for thousands of miles." Xing, the people suffer; Death, the people suffer! ”

Xiao Chen even sometimes doubts himself, if one day, he will win the title of Huaxia as those foreign media Hu Luàn speculated, will he still be able to think like today and be willing to reform this seemingly most stable system?

Sighing lightly, Xiao Chen asked quietly: "So, who do you think is more suitable for the deputy secretary of the Pengcheng City Party Committee?" ”

As soon as these words came out, the four of them were silent at the same time, and after quietly looking at each other, it was Zhao Jiemin, the old partner and classmate who was closest to Xiao Chen, who opened his mouth: "Secretary, do you remember Chen De?" ”

Xiao Chen raised his eyebrows slightly: "Secretary of the Lucheng City Party Committee? The son of the old governor Chen Ruowang? Lucheng City, administratively under the jurisdiction of Wucheng, is a county-level city, located between the central urban area of Wucheng and Dongfang City, economically developed, is the strongest county-level city in mainland China, and has been rated as the top 100 counties in the country by the National Bureau of Statistics for many years. In recent years, Lucheng has also won the first place in the Forbes Best County-level City in China by virtue of its strong comprehensive strength. In 2005, the industrial output value of Lucheng area exceeded 410 billion yuan, and the per capita GDP was higher than 40,000 US dollars according to the registered population, ranking first among all cities in the country, reaching more than a quarter of the "Oriental Magic Capital" Dongfang City!

Zhao Jiemin nodded.

Xiao Chen sank for a moment, Chen De's level is not low, because of the important status of Lucheng, the secretary of the municipal party committee has always been a member of the provincial party committee, and it is reasonable for him to be promoted to deputy secretary of the Pengcheng municipal party committee. And he has a more perfect resume than Yu Zhengqing, he has experience working as a top leader in important regions. The work experience of the number one leader is no better than others, it is "responsible for the overall work", it can be said that the party affairs and the economy are both excellent, such qualifications are very tough, just like Xiao Chen back then.

Xiao Chen is more satisfied with the secretary of the Lucheng Municipal Party Committee whose ancestral home is Jiangjin in Dongchuan, and he is also his descendant, when Xiao Chen was the secretary of the Wucheng Municipal Party Committee, Chen De was the mayor of Lucheng City, and he was promoted to the secretary of the municipal party committee three months before Xiao Chen was transferred.

Another advantage of Chen De is age, he is only 35 years old this year, and he is an absolute young Zhuang faction in Jiangdong and even in the entire Chinese officialdom, and Xiao Chen, as we all know, likes to promote young cadres the most......

"Okay, let's talk about tomorrow's meeting." Secretary Xiao seems to be a person who follows the advice, and he quickly decided......

The first week of Shiyuan's regular Jiangdong Provincial Party Committee Standing Committee work meeting was held in the No. 1 office building of the Provincial Party Committee Compound on Beijing Road in Jinning. Li Yuanzhuo, secretary of the provincial party committee, presided over the meeting.