Chuan Meng was unforgettable about what happened in Xingcheng two years ago, and he said privately: "Lao Tzu has grown so big, and it is the first time that he has been humiliated like that!" ”

But his father Liu Zhongshi's attitude made him want to take revenge, and he suddenly cooled his waist. Liu Zhongshi said at the time: "Do you know what Xiao Lao's prestige in the party is? Sixty years ago, in the revolutionary era, your father and I were not yet born, he was a member of the Politburo, and your father and I were born in the same year. He is the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, and his prestige and connections in the party can only be compared with Zheng Lao! ”

Liu Meng was still unconvinced at the time, and said: "He has been retired for so long, and we are not dealing with him, or fighting with his grandson, will there be anything wrong?" ”

Liu Zhongshi said coldly: "I only know one thing, if you anger Xiao Lao, as long as he says a word." Tomorrow, your father and I will become a **depraved corrupt official at best, or "hum." At worst, he became a heinous counter-revolutionary. A spy who infiltrated the revolutionary clique. The whole party, the whole people, everyone will be punished, even your father's usual friends, they will inevitably want to kill me first, and then quickly, do you know what I mean? ”

Liu Meng, who was dumbfounded, knew at that time that it was true that foreign countries often said that China was a "double-peaked politics", and how could the power of Xiao Lao, the "hidden peak", be something that a mere provincial governor could contend with?

Liu Meng didn't know what was going on back then, and it was not surprising. He is a boy who only knows how to have fun, but who is Liu Zhongshi? Born in an ordinary farming family. A person who is in a high position as a provincial governor is a person who does not have a city government and does not know the depth of the water?

Liu Meng squinted his eyes, revealing a hint of ruthlessness in his gaze. He didn't know that just when he was now making up his mind about Xiao Ding, in the governor's office of the Xiaonan Provincial Government, his father Liu Zhongshi was thinking about easing his relationship with Xiao Zong.

Liu Zhongshi was able to carry Secretary Yue Dingyuan's three-board axe in the midst of an all-round disadvantage, and did not let the Xiaonan local faction be crushed, so he was naturally a person with a very strong city government and political acumen, and his ability to analyze the domestic situation was not at all understandable by a gentleman like Liu Meng. China's economic system reform, which has attracted the attention of the world. From the end of the blade age, it has been almost a force year now. In this year of strength, the reform of the economic system has been accompanied by a rolling political thunderstorm. The political struggle in the era of reform in China was full of ups and downs, rushing from left to right, and it was difficult for outsiders to find out what it was about. In fact, in Liu Zhongshi's opinion. As long as you grasp a general clue, you can grasp the gist of it.

After the death of the former chairman, Mr. Mao, Huaxia had two urgent problems to solve: economic poverty. Politically**. The solution to these two problems is the reform of the economic system and the reform of the political system.

After Mr. Mao's death, there were four political forces that tried to choose the path of China's future according to their own wishes.

The first option is to maintain both politically and economically the line of Mao's later years, that is, to continue the revolutionary and planned economic system under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Before Mr. Mao's death. Mrs. Jiang and others regarded themselves as the successors of Mr. Mao's mantle. They were active supporters of the "Cultural Revolution" and the doctrine of the continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. The smashing of the "Gang of Four" led to a great weakening of the political forces that adhered to the "theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat." As future generations, we must affirm that the smashing of the "four-person state" has brought a breakthrough and major impact on Chinese history. However, those who smashed the "Gang of Four" did not necessarily oppose the "theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat," still less to the economic system. February. At that time, Chairman Hua proposed that "we will resolutely support all the decisions made by Mr. Mao, and we will unswervingly follow all the instructions of Mr. Mao." In the People's Daily, he published an article in the People's Daily, "Continuing the Revolution under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat to the End, Study Mr. Bi's Selected Works, Vol. V." This shows that President Hua insists on the first option.

Obviously, this choice could not solve the problem of poverty and poverty that had to be solved in China at that time, and thus went against the needs of the times. After the unremitting struggle of the reform forces represented by Zheng Nanxun, the "two whatevers" were criticized, and Chairman Hua was forced to step down. A large number of "all factions" are also scattered. The political forces that insist on the first option have failed. However, they also have some supporters, whose ideological influence is still there, and their influence is attached to the second option, and sometimes becomes allies of the second option.

The second option is to politically adhere to the socialist system, adhere to the original ideology, and adhere to the leadership of the Chinese people and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Economically, it basically follows the path of the fifties.

The assertion of those who hold this attitude is: Abandon the route of Mr. Mao's later years and return to the fifties. They believe that the first five-year plan was successful, but the "Great Leap Forward" was broken, and then the "Four Qing Cultural Revolution" made the sentencing economy have no chance to do well.

There is nothing wrong with the planned economy, but it has not been done well in its implementation. Of course, in the 50s, the state-owned economy was too concentrated and too rigidly unified, and there was no certain territory for diversified operations and small production exhibitions. Therefore, they advocate that under the premise of the planned economic system, a little market regulation should be allowed. This is "the planned economy is the mainstay, supplemented by market regulation" Xiao Fei is the representative of this proposition. The Selected Works of Xiao Fei, published in the early days of the reform, embodied this idea.

The third option is to politically adhere to the socialist system, adhere to the original ideology, and adhere to the leadership of the Chinese people and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Economically, we should abandon the planned economic system and adopt market-oriented reforms.

Those who hold this view believe that it is not possible to go back to the fifties. They have a profound understanding of the drawbacks of the planned economic system. However, at the beginning of the reform, no one dared to propose abandoning the economic system, nor did they explicitly propose to engage in a market economy. It only emphasizes the development of the commodity economy and the establishment of an economic system that is compatible with the commodity economy. It was only after the middle of the Tian period that it was clearly proposed that the reform should be "market-oriented," and it was not until the early years that the "socialist market economy" was proposed

Zheng Nanxun is a representative of this proposition. Four years. In January, Zheng Nanxun met with Gibney, vice chairman of the editorial board of the Encyclopedia Britannica Publishing Company, and others, and explicitly raised the issue of a planned economy and a market economy. "It is certainly not correct to say that a market economy exists only in capitalist society," he said. Why can't socialism engage in a market economy, this cannot be said to be capitalism. But this talk was not announced until the next year, the year of Chen.

The fourth option is to abandon the planned economic system and engage in a market economy economically. Politically abandon the dictatorship of the proletariat and achieve political democratization. This faction could be called a liberal democrat. This is a relatively thorough reform proposition. It is also the idea of hoping to fundamentally solve the Chinese problem. In the early days of the reforms, this view was so contradictory that no one in the mainstream at the time, in the system, made such a claim. However, among the people, among the intellectuals, this perception exists. What's more, in foreign countries, both in Western countries and in the countries of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in transition, this view is the mainstream of society. Therefore, the idea of the fourth option is precisely the ideological source and mass foundation of the democratic movements that have been repeated again and again during the reform years. They find their space for expression in support of the third option, and sometimes become allies of the third option.

The political struggle in the era of reform in China was actually a contest between the above-mentioned four political forces.

At a time when the curtain of reform is about to open. At the heart of the political struggle is the synthesis of political forces into a force against the first force... "Gang of People" and overthrow "All Parties"

As a result, the "Gang of Four" is crushed and the "All Factions" are driven out of the center of power, and the first option is lost. As for the power of the fourth option, they are still on the margins. It has no right to speak on national affairs, and can only show its power in vivid times. Therefore. The political struggle in China was mainly born between the second option and the third option. Both of these forces are in the center of power, and both have more social resources and more supporters. With the deepening of the reform of the economic system, with the development and growth of non-governmental forces, and with the entry of Western ideology, the political force of the fourth option, that is, the liberal democrats, is also quietly unfolding. Maybe a few years later, maybe come to the forefront. became a mainstream force, but now they don't have much of a voice. The first force of sharp confrontation with liberal democrats is fading, and the new authoritarianism, the new left, which may be the defenders of this force, will stand up to the liberal democrats.

These four options bring together four political forces. The series of these four forces can form a political spectrum from left to right in China. On the far left are the remnants of the Gang of Four, and on the far right are the liberal democrats. This spectrum is continuous, and between these four forces, there is also a middle ground. In this continuous political spectrum, there are two places with the strongest energy, which are the third choice represented by Zheng Nanxun and the second choice represented by Xiao Fei. Political struggles are inevitable, and for the country, rational political struggles are not necessarily a bad thing.

Xiao Fei was an old revolutionary who was elected as a member of the Central Committee at the Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in the Year of the Worm. When the Provisional Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was established in the same year, he was a member of the Politburo. Tons. On the Long March, he was sent to the Soviet Union to report to the Comintern. Yue returned to Yan'an with Huang Ming, Tang Sheng and others. He was in charge of organizational work during the Yan'an era, so he had a deep foundation in the cadre team. At the beginning of the founding of the People's Republic of China, Xiao Fei ranked fifth in the ranking of central leaders, second only to Xiao Fei, the original "four secretaries", and even above the later defective Deputy Marshal Lin and Comrade Zheng Nanxun. After the statehood. Whenever there is a setback in the economy, let Xiao Fei come out to clean up the situation, Mr. Mao once praised Xiao Fei with the saying that "the country is in trouble and thinks of the good wife". When Mr. Mao criticized the "anti-aggressiveness", he and the former Premier Zhou were criticized at the same time. Most of the people who supported the former prime minister, Mr. Zhou, also supported Xiao Fei. In the national economic management system, in the cadre organization system, and among the high-level cadres, Xiao Fei can be said to have deep roots. Respond to every call. Because of his thoughtfulness, steadiness, rigor, and external softness, he has won the trust of many people. He rarely intervenes directly in political struggles, giving the impression of mystery and unpredictability. This is also the main reason why it was later described as a "hidden peak" by foreign media.

Zheng Nanxun is also a character with deep roots and a wide response in China. He was bold and resolute in his decision-making, and after being known as the "Gang of Four of Iron and Steel Companies", he was a recognized leader in the party. He is in charge of the army and controls the overall situation. Because of his political experience of ups and downs. Its place is unshakable.

Zheng Nanxun and Xiao Fei are evenly matched, check and balance each other, no one can push anyone down, and no one can do without anyone. There are some major issues that require both of them to agree. Therefore, the political power in the era of reform in China was in a state of double peaks. Since Zheng Nanxun is the de facto number one, this peak is slightly higher, but it is also limited. So much so that the foreign press often says that the situation in China is like this: there is something. Zheng Nanxun decided what to do, but if Xiao Fei didn't agree, this thing couldn't be done. It's what they call "a choice." A veto. And these two, the difference between "right". In fact, it also shows that these two elders are different in how they behave in person.

The styles of Zheng Nanxun and Xiao Fei are indeed very different. Zheng Nanxun is a strongman in the army, while Xiao Fei has been in the center for a long time and often takes people by the mean.

Regarding the use of a palace coup to deal with the "Gang of Four" issue, everyone applauded, but Xiao Fei said. When trying the "Gang of Four" in this way, Zheng Nanxun advocated shooting Mrs. Jiang and Zhang's family, but Xiao Fei said: "I don't agree to kill, if the comrades decide to kill after voting, I will obey the decision of the Party Central Committee, but I vote against it, and it must also be recorded in the record, please note this sentence: Comrade Xiao Fei is against it." "I really didn't kill it

After the turmoil in the late eighties, the Central Advisory Committee criticized the four old men, I don't explain, some people advocated expulsion from the party, but Xiao Fei ensured that the four of them passed. In fact, Xiao Fei is fundamentally left, but he wraps the core of the left with the golden mean. In his struggle with Zheng Lao, he often used Rouke.com: "From a positive point of view, under a highly centralized political system like China, the two-peak politics is better than the one-peak politics." There are checks and balances from Xiao Fei. To a certain extent, it prevented the unrestrained expansion of Zheng Nanxun's power. With these two peaks of power, two teams will be gathered. Zheng Nanxun's ranks included a large number of cadres who supported reform. Xiao Fei's ranks included a large number of leftists and a number of party-state veterans.

If the teams under the two power peaks are called the Xiao Front and the Zheng Front. Then the Xiao front can also be called conservatives, and the Zheng front can also be called reformers. It is worth noting. "Reformist" and "conservative" here are both neutral words, and neither has a positive or negative connotation. Some friends will think that reformers are definitely better than conservatives. This point of view is not worth refuting, and you will know the word "conservative" at your own level. It's a neutral word all over the world, even with a slight compliment. Only at this stage of China does it seem a little derogatory, what is the reason for this, smart friends know, I, still do not explain.

The Zheng Front and the Xiao Front have two points of consensus: First, they must adhere to the original political system and guiding ideology of China and cannot change it; Second, it is necessary to change the economic status quo left by Mr. Mao, that is, the reform of the economic system. In the new year, Mr. Zhao summed up the consensus of the two fronts as "one center, two basic points" according to the meaning of Zheng Nanxun, and the 13th National Congress of the Communist Party of China raised this summary to the height of "the party's basic line".

"One center" means "taking economic construction as the center, the two basic points" are "reform and opening up" and "four cardinal principles," and these two basic points can be expressed in another form: not to change the existing political system in China, but to learn from the economic system of the West. This is actually the modern version of the "middle school as the body, Western learning as the use" proposed by the Chinese reformers more than 100 years ago.

There are two basic points: one is to achieve the goal of "commodity economy" and "material stimulus of the market economy", which have been regarded as heretical in the past few decades, and to actively absorb the "capital output of imperialism"; First, it is necessary to adhere to the basic system, basic stance, and basic theory for several decades. This is difficult to coordinate in practice. Incompatible two cardinal points had to collide with each other. The process of reform in China is a process of constant collision between the two basic points.

Under the banner of "two, cardinal points", two teams gathered; One team emphasizes reform and opening up, and the other team emphasizes the four basic principles. The former team is basically the people of the Zheng front, and the latter team is basically the people of the Xiao front. As mentioned earlier, in terms of reform and opening up. Xiao Zheng has differences between the two fronts, one is the planned economy, and the other is the market economy. But this struggle of differences is mixed up in the struggle between two fundamental points. For example, when attacking the Zheng front, the Xiao Front used the "Four Basic Principles" as a weapon. When the Zheng front attacked the Xiao front, it used "opposition to reform" as a weapon. If the Xiao Front thinks that a certain reform of the Zheng Front has gone too far, it will

The collision of two fundamental points under the bimodal politics. It evolved into a political struggle between the two forces. In the struggle between these two forces, the remnants of the "Fan Shi faction" supported the Xiao front; Liberal democrats support the Zheng Front. But when the activities of liberal democrats threaten the "Four Fundamental Principles". The Zheng Front and the Xiao Front joined forces to suppress it.

When Liu Zhongshi said this to Liu Meng, it was two or three years ago. And this year. Before Zheng Lao died, Xiao Lao returned to Beijing early and met Zheng Lao for the last time. There is a news that Liu Zhongshi is very concerned about, that is, Xiao Lao once entered Zheng Lao's ward alone and talked to Zheng Lao for a while.

Don't look at just talking for a while, in that case. According to Liu Zhongshi's thoughts, it should be the two old men at the peak who confess to each other. Maybe there will be something similar to the old man who has both struggles and cooperation. But what happened to the matter, Liu Zhongshi could only guess, except for Xiao Lao himself, everyone could only guess, even Xiao Zheng or Xiao Ai didn't know anything about the conversation between the two elders that day.

Although Liu Zhongshi didn't know the content of the conversation, for him, it was no longer important, what mattered was the current situation: Guo Lao died, Xiao Lao is alive!

Once in the late eighties, Zheng Lao lost in that round of confrontation with Xiao Lao, that defeat. It was at the cost of the resignation of the two general secretaries, and Xiao Lao also suffered a defeat in the early 90s, and the result of that time was to make the reform gradually clearer. The reforms were radical, but sometimes impetuous, overheated; Conservative is cautious, but sometimes it can be difficult.

In fact, after the death of Zheng Lao, the eyes of the whole world concerned about the changes in the political situation in China are waiting. They are worried that Xiao Lao will stand up and negate the reform and pull Huaxia back to the original path.

After half a year, these people gradually relaxed their hearts, although Xiao Lao stayed in the capital, he did not interfere much in these matters. Huaxia is going on at the pace of its own habits. But in Liu Zhongshi's eyes, taking the night half a year ago as the boundary, the difference between before and after is huge. Regardless of whether Xiao Lao spoke or not, his existence was a huge pressure for some people. This kind of pressure is enough to make the voices of those who have been singing about reform in the past six months much quieter. It wasn't until Xiao Lao himself said in person when he met with some members of the Standing Committee: "We must continue to hold high the great banner of Zheng Nanxun's theory" that the song of reform became louder again.

Liu Zhongshi has been pondering this point, could it be that Xiao Laohui changed his political opinions? This is impossible, there is no reason at all, Zheng Lao, who was able to suppress him, has passed away. Why did he change his political views?

Then the only reason is that Xiao Lao actually supports the reform, but Xiao Lao does not support the reform that is too fast, and he may be advocating the kind of limited and calculated reform that advocates steady progress.

Liu Zhongshi contacted Xiao Zheng's approach to the central bank. He couldn't help nodding secretly, Xiao Zheng is now one of Vice Premier Hong's main helpers, and he is focusing on the matter of fiscal reform, judging from his usual actions, he also supports steady reform, which is exactly in line with the real political proposition of Xiao Lao that he just analyzed.

So, how to explain Xiao Ding's situation in Langliu?

Liu Zhongshi frowned a little, Xiao Zheng's actions were very close to Xiao Lao's pace, but Xiao Ding's pace was obviously much bigger, didn't he understand his old man's thoughts? Or is it just because you're young, so you're more out of your breath?

Liu Zhongshi thought about it and shook the image again. This shouldn't be the reason why Xiao Buzi has taken a big step. If Xiao Ding can't hold his breath, then Zhou Chongnian and Yuan Yining, who were "killed" by him twice before, are not as good as him as a young man and have a city government? It's even more impossible that he doesn't understand his grandfather's mind, because even if he doesn't understand, as long as his actions are out of line, someone will always remind him. Liu Zhongshi believes that this is undoubted. With a huge Xiao family, how can Xiao Song, Xiao Lao's grandson, go out of Xiao Lao's allowable range? ?

It's just that in this way, Xiao Zhen's approach is what Xiao Lao allows, so what is Xiao Lao's bottom line? Reform, that's for sure. The key is to what extent and how big the pace of change is!

Liu Zhongshi suddenly picked up the phone and dialed the phone in the secretary's room outside: Xiao Chen, has the report on the triennial investigation of the Langliu Dingqing District that I asked you to sort out last time have you done? "Okay, okay, bring it in and give it to me. Well, right. Take it now. ”

Liu Zhongshi hung up the phone and looked out the window. As far as his eyes could see, it was only an old gem outside the window, but he seemed to see the opponent who was a few years younger than himself in the compound of the provincial party committee in the east of the city. Yue Dingyuan, what are you doing at the moment, are you also analyzing the political situation in China that no one dares to draw conclusions about?

Xiao Ding's back completely disappeared behind the large glass door. Liu Meng retracted his gaze, thought for a while, and suddenly asked, "A man and two women who went in just now." Do you see it clearly? ”

The three "escorts" glanced at each other, nodded, and said in unison: "See clearly." "Handsome guys and beauties, who are already attracting people's eyes, naturally see clearly.

Liu Meng said: "The three of you, except for Chen Wei who stayed with me, the two of you, go and keep an eye on them to see which room they entered." If they go out, follow them too. ”

The two nodded, and were about to go out, but one of them asked, "Boss, what if they go separately?" ”

Liu Meng frowned: "The man must keep an eye on it, and the woman should not be separated, right?" If you are separated, you will call immediately, and Chen Wei will also stare at one. ”

As soon as the three of them heard this, they all responded, and the two of them got out of the car and followed Xiao Ding and the three of them in. Chen Wei is the Sanda master. He was driving now, and when he saw two of his companions going down on a mission, he asked, "Boss, what do we do now?" ”

"You go park, I'll go down and make a call." Liu Meng said, opened the car door and jumped out, and instructed while getting out of the car: "Don't park the car too far, it should be convenient to pick up the car." ”

Chen Wei naturally responded.

Liu Meng jumped out of the car, turned over the number on the phone, and then dialed one out, and after connecting. Inside, he already smiled and said, "Why does Liu Shao have time to call me today?" ”

"Don't talk about these useless things, I'm in Langliu now, are you free, come to see me in the summer." Liu Meng said directly.

The other side of the phone was stunned: "Liu Shao is in Langliu?" Oh, okay, it's all summer, I'll be there right away. ”

Liu Meng snorted, a strange smile appeared on his face, and said, "I remember that you said after drinking last time, as long as you are on Lang Liu's side." There are very few people you dare not move, right? ”

The other end of the phone laughed: "That's nature." Except for a few members of the Standing Committee who can't mess around, the rest of the people wait, I really don't pay attention to it. ”

Liu Meng smiled: "You just have the guts." ”

Listening to Liu Meng's tone on the other end of the phone, he muttered a little: "Who is Liu Shao going to deal with?" ”

Liu Meng smiled: "Abandon the guest."

The voice over there was startled: "What? Xiao Ding? He's a member of the Standing Committee, move him? Not okay? ”

"The woman." Liu Meng smiled and said, "What." It seems that your courage is not very big, is Xiao Ding amazing? Isn't he just an executive vice mayor? If you want to know what the future holds, please log in. More chapters, support the author, support genuine reading!