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In contrast to the election of deputies to the State Duma, the speech of the President of the Federation of Ross was more calm. In the process of fighting for the presidency, there were practically no scandals. Dirty schemes are not used either, but that doesn't mean the competition isn't fierce enough or tense enough.

In the elections, the leaders of the second, third, and even fifth parties can enter the State Duma and become their deputies. However, there is only one presidential throne, and the president has more interests and powers than the entire Duma has, and is more powerful.

In recent years, presidential elections have naturally been the main topic of political forecasting, social research, and speculation of all kinds in Russia. This is dictated by the special role of the system of presidential power in the new Russia. In Russia. His president has broader powers than the president of the United States or the president of France.

In Russia, when democratic traditions, civil society, and a full-fledged party system have not yet been formed, the president can and should be the guarantor of stability, democracy, and order, so giving the president the necessary power and power to carry the lever is not the vagaries of the Yeltsin era or the mistakes of the framers of the constitution, but a necessity.

It is precisely this situation that determines that the issue of presidential election has become the most relevant topic in the Russian social and political system.

Pu's opponents were many, Viktor Chernomyrdin, Alexander Lebed, Boris Nemtsov, Yuri Luzhkov, Yevgeny Primakov, etc., all of whom were political stars in Russia at the time, and they were more dazzling than Putin at any moment.

Vladimir Putin, who had just become head of the Federal Security Service in July 1998, was eight months before the Russian presidential election. It is almost unknown that even Putin himself never had the luxury of running for any office at that time. Even when Yeltsin appointed Putin prime minister. Nor did it attract special attention from society and the media.

But it soon became clear that when Putin had become a real contender for the country's top position of power, there were many admirers around him, and of course there were many people with ill intentions towards him.

Since October 1999, Putin's workpiece has ceased to win a round of applause. Despite the fact that Putin's policy is unequivocally supported by the majority of the population, many newspapers, magazines. There is also a section of popular television stations that oppose Putin.

Politicians and businessmen behind Russia's mass media are terrified of Putin's surprise emergence as prime minister and his rapidly rising approval ratings.

As the election approached, the raucous and ineffective propaganda campaign had stepped up. In the weeks and months leading up to the election, there was a wide variety of reports about Putin, with many media outlets regularly publishing rumors, rumors, and vicious comments, or ignoring important facts and statements, and some newspapers and magazines even went so far as to fabricate fake news.

There are many similar statements such as "Putin is a ** element, for Yeltsin's political and economic policies full of evil, Putin is doing nothing now and does not want to change them in the future, Putin does not want to clean up the oligarchs, and Putin will not revisit the results of predatory privatization".

What the Russian media has been chasing is Putin's attitude towards the so-called oligarchs. It was thanks to the large amount of money provided by the oligarchs and the active support of the mass media in their hands that Yeltsin won the presidential election.

Again, not only in the economic sphere, but also within the Russian regime, this gives the most ambitious oligarchs a very strong position. But this does not benefit the country in any way, among all the demands on the regime. The strongest and most persistent call is to eradicate corruption, bribery and crime. Eliminate the oligarchs who are indiscriminate.

Therefore, the topic of Putin and oligarchs is very marketable.

On the one hand, Putin had to listen to many proposals from those who had close ties with the big capitalists. These people believe that without the support of big capitalists, Putin will have difficulty running the country; On the other hand. Putin had to listen to other expectations that were completely different: that the activities of the oligarchs should be condemned in a clear and unambiguous manner, and that even judicial investigations into the most hated individual oligarchs should be resumed.

It is not only the Russian Communist Party's ideologists who demand that Putin resolutely and completely distance himself from the oligarchs, but that Putin's entire future as a national leader will depend on his ability to solve the oligarchic problem.

In fact, all the claims that the oligarchs have supreme power and have an extremely negative impact on the country are nothing more than smoke released. The aim is to divert people's attention from real-world issues. The peak of the real success of the oligarchs was very short-lived. Their glory is over.

What we are seeing now is no longer a battle of oligarchs. Rather, it is a normal political contest between different power alliances. On some occasion. The influence of the Russian oligarchs has apparently been exaggerated, and on another occasion it has apparently been minimized.

Russia's big capitalists already exist, including the leaders of Russia's largest financial-industrial conglomerates, who are trying to defend Russia's national interests in the competition of large Western companies; But there are also big unearned financial speculators who take stock of Russia's weak economic life and transfer their ill-gotten wealth far abroad.

Here, one can also see the managers of large state-owned enterprises and companies, that is, those state officials who can be dismissed or appointed. But there is also a group of people who, rather than using their wealth to develop their own financial and industrial companies, are desperately trying to expand their political influence, some of them using the most pedantic and outdated methods; There are also some business owners who, by their own efforts, have built new industrial production sectors and new factories, thus ensuring employment opportunities and better incomes for thousands of people; However, there are also those who use the Russian mass media they control to profit for themselves, not for Russian society and the state.

Putin is really firm on this issue. He stressed on various occasions that he would not allow a new round of distribution of property in Russia, while declaring, in clear and unambiguous language, that the country would be run by the president and the government, and not by the oligarchs, who on all occasions firmly and unequivocally refused to use any patronage of all oligarchs.

In the election campaign, Putin used very little money for his campaign headquarters, and there was simply no need to use the money of big businessmen. Answering questions about oligarchs, Putin has more than once emphasized his principle of keeping oligarchs out of power.

But it is precisely this principle that frightens those who are very close to power.

Therefore, at this important time when we have entered the election year, Putin's various opposition forces have begun to link up with each other, collude with Western anti-Russian forces, as well as those oligarchs who have fled overseas by the Putin government, and entangle their respective forces, in an attempt to start to make it difficult for the Putin government from now on in all aspects such as politics and economy.

"With more than half a year to go before the Duma elections and a year before the presidential election, are they eager to try it now, is it a bit too eager? In response to this question, Xiao Lin asked with some curiosity.

Not in a hurry at all, Fan Wuxian shook his head and said.

In fact, if you want to influence public opinion and create obstacles for the Putin government, it is not enough to gather for a while, and many layouts will take several months or more to complete, so now many forces have begun to make it difficult to create obstacles for Putin from all aspects, in the hope that when the general election is coming, it can cause relatively large obstacles and troubles to Putin, affect his re-election, and even directly remove him from the highest power structure in Russia.

"The economic base determines the superstructure, and this can be said to be true here." Fan Wuxian explained to Luo Lin, "Once there is a major deviation in Putin's economic policy, which leads to a major mistake in the Russian economy, then it will be difficult for him to be re-elected as president."

Just like the elder Bush, although he won the battlefield in Iraq, he lost the election, because the Americans are very practical, and the elder Bush is invincible on the battlefield, but the economic performance is mediocre or subpar. Naturally, they will abandon them. ”

"Oh," Luo Lin replied. "So the current trade friction between China and Russia is actually creating obstacles for Putin's election?"

"That's natural, a qualified Russian president, nothing else, is a president who can make the Russian economy recover quickly and get better, now under the leadership of the Putin government, Russia's political situation has stabilized, if he achieves certain economic achievements, then his re-election is almost irreversible Fan Wuxian said," Putin's opponents also saw this, so they will now concentrate on the layout and start to create chaos from all aspects. ”

Clear-eyed people can naturally see this. As one of Russia's most important partners, China's position in Russia's economic exhibition is becoming more and more important, and as the only force that is not a faction of Western countries, it is naturally the most advantageous attack weapon for Putin's opponents, and undermining Sino-Russian economic and trade relations is obviously the most effective means to crack down on Puji.

In this Sino-Russian economic and trade conflict. In fact, both Putin and the Chinese are victims, so when Fan Wuxian came to Moscow to meet Putin secretly, the two sides immediately reached an important cooperation agreement to ensure that their respective interests were not violated.

"But what exactly did you agree on this time?" Luo Lin asked Fan Wuxian.

"That's not the point, the point is that we met and got an understanding." Fan Wuxian avoided this. question, in turn. There are no pop-ups