"Oh, this Rawlings has only been interim president for three months, this person is still high and brave and brave, much better than Gaddafi, Gaddafi has been at war with the opposition for the past few months, I read the news that Gaddafi is also called the leader of the military coup. Pen × fun × Pavilion www. ｂｉｑｕｇｅ。 However, it seems that this Rollins and Gaddafi have different motives and endings. Taking advantage of Chen Qiping's time to continue making tea, I stood up and cleaned a few of our teacups, and then said.

"Gaddafi is going to be finished, I guess! However, the Americans have suffered from this kind of Libya method, and these Arabs may find that it may be even worse if they overthrow the dictator, just look at Afghanistan! Stability is overwhelming, and the small comment notice is very forward-looking! Far away, I just said that there were, by the way, Rollins gave way, but that's not the end of the story! Chen Qiping said while pouring tea.

At this time, Hou Xiyang was discussing some of the things Ivanka bought in Dubai with Ivanka, and they were not interested in the topic that Chen Qiping and I talked about.

Chen Qiping continued: In September 1979, the head of the military junta of Ghana, Captain Rawlings, persuaded the radical young military clique to fulfill the promise of "returning government to the people" after three months in power, and handed over the power of the military government to the People's National Party and President Liman, who won the election, ushering in the era of the Third Republic of Ghana. President Sheila Liman, however, sees the unsolicited Young Warriors as a potential opposition and their leader, Rollins, as the biggest danger. As a result, the Liman government resorted to the tactics of attacking the former ruling group. First, key members of the Revolutionary Council of the former Armed Forces were sent abroad to disengage them from Ghanaian politics. On 27 November 1979, Rawlings was relieved of his military duties by Lehmann and ordered to retire from the armed forces, and was appointed to the Council of State, which had no authority but no powers. The Liman government also maliciously slandered Rawlings and his military junta by investigating the whereabouts of the tax revenues handled by the former Revolutionary Committee, negating all the achievements of the Revolutionary Committee in carrying out the coup d'état and in purging corruption in the political circles and the armed forces and reviving the economy during the period of his administration, and even went so far as to launch a personal attack on Rawlings in June 1979 when the military coup seized the prison and rescued him, and even instilled his family members in dismissing Rawlins's mother, who had worked in the presidential residence for decades. The Liman government's series of politically framed actions have been despised by many honest Ghanaians.

Irritable at the perfidy and misdeeds of the Liman government, Rawlings rejoined the political struggle, repeatedly refusing to study abroad the government's arrangements, frequenting student and youth gatherings and giving speeches exposing the deception and corruption of the Liman government. The situation of Rollins' persecution is sympathetic to the majority of Ghanaians.

In addition, after President Liman came to power, Ghana's economic situation has not improved, but has deteriorated day by day, with a decline in industrial and agricultural production, a vicious explosion of devotion, a shortage of daily necessities in the market, and an increasing number of unemployed. President Liman's public pledge to continue the junta's "sweep" when he took power has vanished since he took office. The phenomena of high-ranking government officials vying for power and profit, and corruption have not only not been curbed, but have intensified. A series of corrupt practices by the elected civilian government have led to strong resentment among junior officers and soldiers in the armed forces. The Young Zhuang military clique had repeatedly plotted a new coup d'état to re-establish the junta, but without success, and they pinned their hopes on Captain Rollins to return to the mountains to organize a new coup. After his dismissal from the military, Rollins secretly went to Libya for military training, and immediately after his return to Ghana, he led the coup plotter.

On December 30, 1981, Chinese New Year's Eve, the Ministry of Defense held a grand farewell party, attended by the president, vice president, chief of staff of national defense and armed forces, police inspector general, and most of the ministers and senior officers.

At 3 a.m. on December 31, 1981, Rollins, with the support of junior officers and soldiers of the armed forces, decisively launched a military coup d'état, successively occupying the Ministry of Defense, the airport, the army headquarters, the presidential palace, radio stations and other important institutions, and by 11 a.m. on the same day, the coup forces had taken control of the entire capital. This lightning coup ended in victory less than 8 hours before and after. In an agitated and incendiary speech to the nation on Radio Accra, Rollins announced that "a new revolution had broken out" in Ghana and that the rotten Liman government had been overthrown. He accused the Liman government of corruption and incompetence, and the greed and corruption of President Liman himself and his cabinet members and their struggle for power have thrown Ghana's political situation into chaos and brought Ghana's economy to its knees. He declared to all Ghanaians that the purpose of this new military coup was to once again clean up the corruption of Ghanaian politics and reform Ghana's already troubled economic structure. The people and the armed forces of the whole country gave him full support for the "revolution", and his impassioned speech received an enthusiastic response. The garrison in the Accra region has issued statements expressing support for the coup led by Rollins. A number of government officials and senior military officers were arrested, President Liman and other dignitaries fled into hiding, and Liman was captured on his way to a neighboring country.

On 11 January 1982, Rawlings was appointed Head of State, Head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Ghana, Head of Defence in November of the same year, and Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces from November 1982 to August 1983. After only 27 months of existence, the Third Republic of Ghana was brought to an end by the greed, incompetence and misdeeds of the civilian government of Liman, which pushed the country into the abyss of social chaos and economic collapse, and Ghana entered the 20-year era of Rawlings' enlightened dictatorship.

After the coup, the political situation in Ghana quickly stabilized and the new government was functioning normally. Compared with Rawlings' previous two coups, this coup d'état has a striking feature in that it has broad popular support. Ghanaians, who had previously held a stance of opposing military interference in politics, have become nostalgic for the incorruptible and responsible style of the former Rollins junta leadership group because more than two years of civilian government have shown the corrupt behavior of politicians who are greedy for power, money-grabbing and corrupt pleasures. The Ghana Trade Union Congress, the Ghana National Federation of Students, and a number of community organizations have organized mass meetings and demonstrations in support of the new junta, and even the "market mothers" (businesswomen and traders) in Accra, who were hit by the Rawlings junta in 1979, have welcomed the new junta. Some of the intellectuals, who have always been vehemently opposed to military interference in politics, have also changed their stance. The situation of these people's aspirations was conducive to the realization of their "revolutionary" goals by the Young Zhuang military group headed by Rawlings.

After the successful coup, Rawlings took an extremely cautious approach to organizing the new regime, and after more than ten days of deliberation and consultation, he announced the establishment of a seven-member "Interim National National Defence Committee" in Ghana on January 11, 1982, whose members were all military personnel and served as the highest authority of the state. On 22 January, the Interim Council appointed a Cabinet of 15 civilians. Rawlings personally concurrently served as head of the cabinet and secretary of the Ministry of National Defense, and appointed political party figures, experts, and scholars as heads of various ministries, indicating that the military regime accommodates outstanding talents from all walks of life in the interests of the state, rather than on party affiliation.

The Interim Council issued a policy platform declaring that the current stage of the national revolution in Ghana was the initial stage of the transition to a more rational political system. The aim of the national struggle was to change the structure of the Ghanaian colony, break up foreign monopolies, achieve genuine economic independence, and ensure that the people exercised their power. The programme identifies the main measures to address the major political, economic and social problems facing Ghana: 1. Implement a "people-owned system" to oppose corruption and let the people be the masters of their own destiny; 2. Develop an "autonomous and disciplined economy", control markets and prices, crack down on smuggling and hoarding, and gradually "shift the focus of economic activities from market trade to production"; 3. Strengthen national unity, put an end to tribal strife, abolish the colonial army, and safeguard and consolidate independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity; 4. To be loyal to the position of non-alignment, to guarantee active neutrality, to oppose apartheid, not to join any bloc of great powers, to maintain friendship and cooperation with all countries of the world, regardless of their ideology.

The policy of the new military regime is a continuation of the policy implemented by Rawlings after the first military coup d'état in June 1979, but the current policy is more sophisticated, comprehensive and realistic than before, and has changed the style of the "reckless revolution" of the past, so it is supported by the majority of Ghanaians and by various political forces in Ghana. Ghanaian public opinion believes that the new regime, with some revolutionary overtones, is still an African nationalist regime that (partially) succeeded Nkrumah.