"Britain's three islands are not very vast, but people do not know that its national power is expanding day by day, and with the continent of India as the great market of the mother country, the world powers can never compete with it. {We don't write novels, we're just online text porters-+, Japan's development has been exhausted, and there is no room for maneuver, while China has a lot of land and resources that have not yet been developed. Today, just like Britain is to India, there is no labor cost of setting up troops to defend it, and it has a large market in China, and the so-called leap to become the world's first male is also this. ”

"Sir, sir, what do you mean by this? Can you explain. Looking at such a letter on the front page of the newspaper, these drivers who usually ride yellow croaker carts to send people and pull goods are a little curious. Although they all have a junior high school education, can barely know a few hundred words, can speak two sentences of pidgin English, and solicit business from the big noses, this half-literate and half-white is still beyond their comprehension. It happened that a young man who looked like a teacher was waiting for the tram on the side, and several people couldn't care about waiting for work, so they came over to ask for advice.

This means that China can offer Japan a cheaper and more profitable role than the Indian colony is to Britain. Specifically, Japan's help in internal affairs, foreign affairs, military affairs, industry, justice, and so on is "to open up the whole market of China to benefit Japanese industry and commerce, and Japan is tantamount to monopolizing the interests of trade...... Duty-free for the sale of Japanese-made goods into China, and exemption for the import of Chinese raw materials into Japan. China can play a greater role for Japan than India can do for Britain. The young scholar was also patient, and he said a few sentences in layman's terms. It can make a lot of drivers angry.

"Niang Xipi, that little red guy sells his ass here, is this human talk?" A Fenghua coachman had already scolded, and the coachman next to him grabbed his excited companion, "Don't be impatient, little Japan has surrendered." Hey, thank you, sir, and read it to us as well. ”

"The People's Party held the political authority of China, and then China began to have public security." The Kuomintang "holds doctrine, and lives and dies in order to achieve its goals...... If the KMT's aspirations are not extended, China will not be able to settle for a day. If Japan can help the revolutionary party, it will benefit greatly," the scholar continued: "China's revolutionary party has no strong country to help it beforehand, and its hopes will not be realized. It is not the international norm to help a country's People's Party and subvert its government. However, in ancient and modern times, only extraordinary people can do extraordinary things and achieve extraordinary achievements, and you are an extraordinary person. ”

This is the letter writer praising Japanese Prime Minister Shigeshin Okuma who helped their revolutionary party, which basically means that if the Chinese revolutionary party does not succeed, there is no foreign force to be the backer, and if Japan can be the backer, their revolutionary party will be rewarded after its success. Although it is not internationally recognized that it is appropriate to help a country's opposition parties overthrow the current regime, Prime Minister Shigenobu Okuma is a very person, as noble as the sun, and will not be limited by such conventions. ”

"Selling the country and selling the sun, which newspaper is this, this kind of pickled text also dares to publish it, let's go and smash the bird newspaper today, so that we can get out of this evil breath." A coachman from northern Jiangsu pulled open the placket coat on his chest and went to the newspaper office to settle the account.

"This newspaper is exposing the traitorous acts of some people and making everyone recognize their true colors, how can it be said that it is the fault of the newspaper. If you want to say that it's not something, you have to settle accounts with the person who wrote the letter. But he can live far away. The scholar was also angry, but he still stopped the coachmen, otherwise this tabloid would have suffered an unwarranted disaster.

"Far? It is not possible to get to Baoshan. The turtle son hid in the cave and took it out for him. ”

"It's farther than Baoshan." The scholar sighed, "I think I ran away from home back then, and I thought of defecting to the revolutionary party to fight on the bloody battlefield under his command, if it really happens, I won't die unjustly." ”

"Which one wrote it? Sir, please give me some pointers. ”

"Well, here, the one signed at the bottom is his pseudonym "Yamanakako", which is the pseudonym of our first president Jov in Japan. ”

"Huh?!" The coachmen were dumbfounded, it was a little far away, and Qiao Fu was still lying on Zhongshan Mountain in Nanjing at this time, but who dared to smash the mausoleum of the first president?

When the revolutionary party tried to solve the autonomous government of the six provinces at that time by force, they wanted money but no money, guns and no guns, and Qiao Fu, Huang Kedi and others spent money to be experts, but they were not experts in making money. In fact, after the establishment of the Nanjing government, the self-made regime immediately fell into a financial crisis. Hu Zhantang, then secretary general of the Presidential Office, later recalled: "Once, Cheng Dequan, the overseer of Jiangsu, sent a special envoy to say that there was a shortage of military salaries and asked for 200,000 yuan. Mr. Qiao approved the allocation of 200,000 yuan. But by the time I arrived at the Ministry of Finance with the approval slip, there were only 10 oceans left in the treasury. According to the estimation of Zhang Jian, the minister of industry at the time, at least 100 million taels of silver would be needed to maintain the normal operation of the Nanjing Provisional Government. In a letter to Zhang Taiyan, Joff said: "[The Nanjing Army] went to the War Department every day to collect dozens of salaries," and "there will be no huge income within the year." For the Nanjing Provisional Government, the top priority at the moment is to raise money, with which the government can operate normally, the military salary can be sufficient, and only by arguing with Wu Chenxuan can it be qualified, only then can the Northern Expedition be possible, and only then can the republic consolidate its foundation. However, the international community has not yet fully trusted this newly established government, and it is not easy to win "international patronage"! Revolutionary Party leaders Qiao Fu and Huang Kedi had both spent time in Japan and had many contacts with Japanese business and political circles, so it was natural for them to want to be funded by the Japanese. Moreover, Chove firmly believes that the Japanese and the Chinese are of the same language and species, live in the same Asia, and have shared the common suffering of being bullied by the Western powers, which can be described as sympathy and stakes, and that Japan will help the Chinese revolution after its rise. Of course, there was no such thing as a free lunch, and it was impossible for the Japanese to fund it unconditionally, so Jov offered the Japanese a coveted quid quid exchange of "concession of Manchuria".

As a matter of fact, on the issue of borrowing money from Japan, the revolutionary party was divided into two factions. The faction represented by Huang Kedi proposed that at the time of the country's life and death, it should "unanimously resist insults" and oppose the use of external forces to solve internal affairs, and should "put the country first and then the government, and then the party." On the other hand, the other faction represented by Qiao Fu regarded this as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, and took the initiative to show favor to Japan and generously betray national sovereignty. In order to win Japan's support for the revolutionary party's opposition to Wu Chenxuan, Jov once planned to "lease Manchuria" to Japan, and this matter was not discussed once or twice within the party, and it was an open secret at all. However, compared with the "Sino-Japanese Covenant" that Jov secretly negotiated with the Japanese side when the Wehrmacht went south to recover Hunan, this time Jof's traitorous behavior occurred shortly after the formation of the Nanjing Provisional Government.

In the early first month of the third year of the Republic, Huang Kedi sent a telegram to Inoue Shin, a veteran of Japanese political circles, asking Japan to assist the Nanjing Provisional Government. The Japanese political circles felt that this was a good opportunity to conclude a secret treaty with the Nanjing Provisional Government and encroach on Manchuria, so they instructed Senge, an expert on Chinese affairs of the Mitsui chaebol in China, to handle the matter, and Sen Ke immediately campaigned for this. On February 3, Senge held talks with Jov in Nanjing, and Jov demanded a loan of 10 million yuan from the Japanese side as a condition for leasing Manchuria. After the talks, Senge drafted a telegram sent back to Japan, which was revised by Qiao Fu and Hu Zhantang. The telegram is now in the collection of the Diet Library of Japan, and was also handed over to the Chinese* government. The message was as follows: China's finances are so poor that if it does not have fifteen million yuan before the end of the year (referring to the old calendar), it will be difficult to fight, and the revolutionary government will be thrown into disarray. Now because the loan of 5 million yuan of Han Yeping Company has been established, it has also negotiated with China's Postal Shipping Company and Britain, Germany, and the United States with China Merchants as a guarantee, and intends to borrow another 10 million yuan. If there is no hope of realizing the loan within five days, everything will be suspended; Qiao and Huang may conclude peace agreements with the six provinces and transfer power to Wu. Regarding the lease of Manchuria, Jov has already agreed. In order to prevent the collapse of the revolutionary army, if Japan could borrow 10 million yuan in addition to the 5 million yuan borrowed by the Han Yeping Company, the peace agreement between Qiao and the other six provinces could be suspended, and Qiao Fu or Huang Kedi could go to Japan to conclude a secret treaty on Manchuria. If the loan cannot be obtained, there is a great risk that the army will be disbanded. Nanjing is shaken, and Jofu will be changed. Therefore, if China is determined to resolutely carry out the Manchurian matter, it is requested to send a telegram within four days to renew the loan of 10 million yuan. If so, it can be stopped from the peace discussion with Wu Chenxuan.

The specifics of the talks can be glimpsed in this telegram, where Joff's Nanking Provisional Government was in dire need of funds to the point of burning its eyebrows; At that time, the revolutionaries figured out that Guò would gain the support of Japan and fight with the autonomous governments of the six northern provinces. As a matter of fact, before Joff's return to China, both the North and the South regarded peace talks and war preparations as their top priority, and they had to grasp both hands and be firm in both. After becoming the provisional president, Chov organized the Northern Expedition of the Sixth Route Army, which he wanted to "sweep away the forces in Beijing by force", "eliminate the heresies of the north and the south, cut off the root cause of his civil strife, and establish a complete republican form of government." However, due to the lack of funds, the Northern Expedition could not be promoted. At this time, the Wu Chenxuan regime in the six northern provinces marched westward again, and got the Shanxi and Shaanxi provinces that the revolutionary party had predetermined. The contradictions between the two sides intensified, and Jov once again wanted to solve the problem with war, and on January 29, a military meeting was held to deploy the Northern Expedition. It was in this situation that the talks with Senge were held. However, Jove's traitorous business did not come to fruition. The reason turned out to be the opposition of the Japanese War Department. People in the War Department believed that in the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese wars, Manchuria was a place for which the Japanese shed their blood and took possession of Manchuria as a matter of course, and there was no need to "rent" it with money. Without funds, Jov had no choice but to compromise and abandon the Northern Expedition, which was already a farce. In fact, the revolutionary party has never regarded the three eastern provinces and the Mongolian region as Chinese territory, and the meaning of the eighteen-star flag is the eighteen provinces in the Guannai, and Mingli is saying that the Han people have been recovered, and the Manchus have retreated outside the Guan. In fact, they have always regarded the three eastern provinces that Japan and Russia are eyeing each other as chicken ribs, and they dare not bear this hot potato. From time to time, they also plan to exchange this piece of chicken ribs for something real, maybe in their minds, this is not called a traitor at all, to say that selling is also selling the country of the Manchurians, not the country of the Han people.

On many occasions, Jof said that Manchuria could be leased to Japan, but it was not groundless. But the question is how to look at the failed attempt to betray the country by Jove. This involves the question of the concept of history, that is, the question of how to look at history and historical figures, whether to look at politics and history separately, or to look at politics and history as a whole, whether to look at people and things or people because of things, whether to look at them in a face-painted way, or to look at them in a complicated way, and different views of history will have different results.

However, when the whole country celebrated China's first victory in a war at home, when the Chinese could look down on the once invincible little devils, and when the people of Shenzhou regained their national pride and national self-confidence, Zhang Nanjiang seized the opportunity and made a decisive move. With this kung fu of frying cold rice, he actually fried a bowl of gloomy rice, successfully put the revolutionary party under the gun of public opinion and public sentiment, turned over the old accounts and turned out new tricks, and even Xu Juren, Xiong Bingsan, and Meng Luochuan, who had been up and down for many years, had to admire Xiao Zhuge for his wonderful methods. However, such a miraculous means against the half-dead leper dog of the revolutionary party is indeed overkill. In fact, this is just a mattress performance made by Zhang Nanjiang for his entire Dongsheng plan, and the next thing is that later historians have to marvel at the unparalleled layout of this first and auxiliary minister.