Eight days later, Rudel, a close associate of General Reinhardt's close confidant of the SS Munich Flag Corps, plotted another shocking conspiracy. March 21, the 19th year of the First Lunar New Year, was the Day of Remembrance of the German Heroes. Hess will be escorted on a tour of the captured weapons displayed at the Berlin Arsenal on Linden Straße. Field Marshal Moder will guide the Führer Hess through the exhibits, and a staff officer from SS Headquarters, Rudel's close friend and Chief of Intelligence Grisdorf, will be on hand to answer questions. On the 20th, Rudel handed over to Grisdorf the same but only 10-minute fuse pack, which Grisdorf strapped to his body and prepared to die with Hess, the mastermind behind the destruction of the SS leadership.

On the 21st, the celebration began on time, and after a short speech, Hess walked to the entrance of the exhibition hall, and while Grisdorf saluted with his right hand, he activated the chemical fuse with his left hand. However, as if on a premonition, Hess refused to look at the objects on display, and although Moder and Grisdorf tried to intrigue him with what they had captured, Hess stayed in the hall for only two or three minutes before hurrying away. For the remaining minutes, Grisdorf immediately rushed to a nearby toilet to dismantle the detonating device. He was lucky enough to survive until the end of the war.

Ironically, while Rudel and the others were loyally avenging their prefect, Admiral Reinhard 61 Heydrich*, their unjustly killed prefect was strolling leisurely on a Peruvian freighter. Unfortunately, even Rudel and their former boss could not be sure that the brown-haired Slav was their commander. In fact, he is not Admiral Reinhard 61 Heydrich himself, and Reinhard 61 Heydrich, who appeared in front of the world since the fifth year of the first century, that is, the first year after the beer hall riots, is no longer himself. In fact, the impostor was none other than a Belarusian agent of the Social Investigation Department, whose name has always been a mystery, let's call it "33G" agent, which is also his only public code name in the Social Investigation Department.

The real Reinhard 61 Heydrich has already been blessed by the Lord to heaven, the new 33G classmate as a senior agent, and at the same time a voyeur who has been secretly observing and imitating Heydrich for nearly three years, his words and deeds have already been deeply imprinted with Heydrich, and his secret work ability is as knowledgeable as the original. Soon he emerged in the German Workers' Party, which had not yet come to power, and under the intentional contact, he won the trust and respect of Himmler, and gradually became Himmler's right and left hand, and ascended to the leadership of the German Workers' Party at a young age, and was ordered to set up a security department to counter the General Intelligence Directorate in the hands of the German military.

From the outset, Heydrich placed Himmler outside the day-to-day operations of the security service, and Himmler could only see the information gathered, but did not know how it was obtained. Heydrich controls all the operations of the Security Service, which is not only kept secret from the outside world, but also often unknown to the insiders what other colleagues are doing. Although Heydrich showed that he was respectful and obedient to Himmler, he was always quite unimpressed with this "simple-minded delusional maniac". According to Heydrich's widow's post-war recollections, he once mocked both primary school principals Himmler and Admiral Raeder*: "What a loss of two excellent primary school principals Germany has caused!" Despite his talents, Heydrich knew that he had no roots in the Nazi party and needed to use Himmler's prestige to seize power. Heydrich carefully hid behind Himmler's shield and propelled Himmler steadily towards his intended goal.

With the help of the Social Investigation Department, the budding Heydrich easily got his hands on the British intelligence agencies, and he also hired a large number of dissident intellectuals and social elites against potential opponents such as Britain, Red Russia, and France. Heydrich was quite unhappy with Himmler's overly bloodline and appearance-oriented recruitment criteria, believing that the SS was full of "blonde", even though he himself was a handsome blond man. Beginning in April of the sixth year of the first century, Heydrich traveled all over Germany to recruit intelligence officers, and the selection of almost all of them were professionals, and soon established a vast network of engineers, lawyers, accountants, economists, and retired Wehrmacht officers throughout Germany. These were leaders of their respective communities and groups, and they worked for Heydrich on a purely faith-based basis. This is also the reason why Rudel and others are willing to avenge the "killed" boss Heydrich with almost no chance.

The core members of the Security Service were also very different from the rest of the SS in that they were highly educated and intellectually educated. Dr. Werner Best, the former No. 2 in the Security Service, is an expert in administrative law, Dr. Whilhelm Patin, who is responsible for investigating Catholic parties, has two PhDs in theology and law, Dr. Reinhard H02hn, who is in charge of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, is a former professor of constitutional law at the University of Berlin, and Dr. Franz Six, who is in charge of Jewish communities and Freemasonry, is also a professor of foreign studies at the University of Berlin. Heydrich also selected a 25-year-old political law scholar named Walter Schellenberg at Walter Schellenberg, who later became a well-known German spy king. Almost all of the best people that the Nazi Party was able to attract went to Heydrich's security office.

Heydrich took advantage of the later liquidation of Röhm's SA to carry out a purge of the Bavarian political police system, eliminating redundant personnel who were not politically strong and professional. In the specific implementation process, Heydrich was still a meritocracy, downplaying his political stance, so he recruited a large number of talents. Müller and Huber, two veteran detectives of the Munich Police Department's political department, belonged to the Catholic Bavarian People's Party, which was extremely hostile to the Workers' Party, and it is said that they had intended to organize armed resistance when Heydrich led the SS to take over the Munich police station. Both Müller and Huber were fired during the purge and then recalled by Heydricht for the simple reason that Müller knew everything inside the German Peasants' and Workers' Party, while Huber was an expert on other right-wing parties and churches. Both men were later reused, and when Heydrich took charge of the Reich Security Administration in the eighteenth century, Müller served as Gestapo director until the end of the war, and Huber later became regional director of the Austrian Gestapo. Heydrich's next move was to arrest opposition figures, and the security department's painstaking archives came in handy. After the Reichstag arson, Hitler forced President Hindenburg to sign the Emergency Act, which gave police authorities the power to "take prisoners under protective custody" without judicial process. The German Peasants' and Workers' Party, the Socialist Party, the Catholic People's Party, and Jewish groups were among the arrests, and prisons across Bavaria were overcrowded.

In fact, most of the people captured by Heydrich were soon released. According to statistics, 16,409 people were placed in protective custody in Bavaria during the first 13 years, of whom 12,554 were released. Heydrich was very adept at using protective custody to create a climate of terror so that "hostile" elements would not dare to act rashly. The Bavarian Observer newspaper at the time wrote a brilliant description of this: "In every town or village, there are people who suddenly disappear and return home a few weeks later in a depressed and frightened mood. When the common people heard of such incidents, they were frightened, and the atmosphere of terror created by word of mouth was often exaggerated, so that the dissidents were terrified and hostile activities were paralyzed. Heydrich later presided over the Gestapo and extended this approach to the entire territory of Germany, and thus to cover the European countries occupied by the German army.

This kind of publicity and punishment is also inherited from his teacher, Yu Jianyu, the boss of the Chinese Social Survey Department. In the work of eliminating hostile and anti-constitutionalist elements in China, Yu Jian has arrested about 3 million people through various means, of which more than 2.7 million were released after 10 days of detention after various interrogations (usually no torture is used to extract confessions), but they were told that because their words and deeds had violated the laws of the country, although they did not constitute a crime, they would also be recorded in the record, and hoped that they would be able to turn back from the precipice in time. Under such large-scale arrests and propaganda, the republican forces that had risen in China after the first ten years of the Taichu Dynasty were suppressed, and most of the various radical organizations in the schools were eliminated. The evidence of the conspiracy to subvert the imperial regime by well-known experts, scholars or celebrities in China funded or directed by foreign forces, or even betrayed national interests in exchange for the support of international forces, was revealed one by one, and the public trial of the parties made many young people who participated in these associations wake up and sneer at those who flaunt the banner of republican equality.

Heydrich's political vision was quite astute, and he believed that after the Workers' Party seized power, the party organizations and stormtroopers had fulfilled their historical mission and should retire with success. "Now the main task is to consolidate power, and not to continue the endless tossing." The fate of the stormtrooper's eventual demise confirms Heydrich's view. During these days of SA purges, Heydrich pondered the question of "how can we prevent the SS from repeating the mistakes of the SA?" "He laid out a blueprint for the future of the SS, which was to become a police force and take on the responsibility of defending the regime. Himmler couldn't agree more.

In April of the thirteenth year of the first century, after Goering took over the Prussian government, he immediately formed a secret police on the basis of the Prussian Ministry of Internal Affairs, which was not subject to the Prussian police authorization law. At first, Goering named the institution "Geheime PolizeiAmt", but because the abbreviated GPA was too similar to the abbreviated GPU of the notorious Red Russian secret police "Cheka", Goering probably did not bother to be associated with the Cheka, so it was finally named "Geheime Staats Polizei" (Gestapa, later changed to Gestapo) because the abbreviated GPA was too similar to the abbreviated GPU of the notorious Red Russian secret police "Cheka".

At the end of the thirteenth year, Himmler unexpectedly received a strong reinforcement. Wilhelm Frick, then Minister of the Interior of the Reich, planned to reform the federal system of the Weimar Republic, weakening the power of the cantonal governments and strengthening the centralization of the Reich government, with a focus on the establishment of a unified national police system. Flick's reform plan hit a nail in the coffin for Goering. In November of that year, Goering issued a decree separating the Gestapo from the leadership of the Reich's Ministry of the Interior. Flick knew that he could not deal with Goering on his own, so he turned to Himmler's support. With Flick's intervention, Himmler and Heydrich took over the political police system in the states outside of Prussia, forming a situation of rivalry with the Gestapo. At the same time, Heydrich's security service was much more effective than the Gestapo. In December, the Security Service uncovered a plot by a Trotskyist to assassinate Goering, to the embarrassment of Dyes's Gestapo in ignorance. Eventually, Hitler began to put pressure on Goering, who finally relented. On April 22, the 14th year of the Crown Era, Himmler officially became the chief of the state secret police, and Heydrich took over the Gestapo headquarters on Himmler's behalf.

As soon as the SS deputy commander-in-chief and police general Heydrich assumed a strongman posture as soon as he set foot in the Gestapo, he carried out drastic personnel reforms, installed his cronies in key positions, and soon took full control of the Gestapo. Berlin politicians watched with disbelief as Heydrich, a young man with no political experience or professional training in policing, managed the elite of the Imperial Police in good order, and was generally revered and admired by his subordinates. Heydrich has a strong ability to understand and analyze, and is often able to quickly peel back the details and get to the point. He has an amazing memory, remembering every phone number in the headquarters, being able to recall the details of the events that happened a few months ago, and giving the relevant file number, even the organizers sighed to themselves.

But who would have thought that this purebred Germanic youth who dominated German politics and the secret front would be an impostor after the assassination of the real body? As one of the two timed* bombs of the Condor Gang (short for Social Investigation Department) in Germany, the 33G children's shoes finally broke into the core of the German Workers' Party, planting the seeds for the future "Rhine Spring".