"Di, do you authorize the opening of the quantum communication channel!"

Looking at the reminder on the screen, Cheng Fei's eyes turned to the two people in the front row, but he didn't make any moves. Pen & Fun & Pavilion www.biquge.info

He could feel that although the two of them seemed to be relaxed and talked and laughed with him in the car, they had never let their guard down, and their eyes watched his every move from the rearview mirror from time to time. If he makes unnecessary moves, he will definitely be discovered by the two.

So, he still didn't make too many moves, he knew very well that in addition to the communication in the inner armor, he could still open it remotely in another place.

"Di, do you authorize the opening of the quantum communication channel!"

"Didi, the system is transferred to the background, and the password is being verified. The password verification is successful, and the quantum communication channel has been opened. ”

The next moment he saw this prompt, a subtle voice reached Cheng Fei's ears.

"Lieutenant Colonel Cheng Fei, I'm Wang Ning, don't talk now, listen to me carefully!" After a pause, Wang Ning continued: "Through the information obtained, it is basically determined that there is a figure of Mi Guo behind this incident, so you have to be careful next!" ”

Hearing the movements of Mi Guo behind him, Cheng Fei said in his heart.

Cheng Fei doesn't believe that it's useless to have Mi Guo behind him, but in the process of the rise of Huaguo, Mi Guo's old friend is too frequent.

Since last year, the rice system has been polite on the surface, but it has changed from a combination of soft and hard in the past to a hard-based system. From betting on both sides, contact and prevention at the same time, to comprehensive prevention and even possible containment. Economically, the TPP is aimed at starting anew, and militarily, the United States has stepped up its deployment in the first and second island chains. The suspicion of the United States in the domestic academic circles is also deepening, and the Chinese system is also making preparations with both hands, and Sino-US relations are really at a crossroads, which may improve or deteriorate rapidly.

The main reason for this shift is that China has risen too fast, beyond the expectations of the elites, and its influence is increasingly eroding the hegemony of the country in the world and region. Of course, the United States must continue to maintain its leading position in Asia and even the world, and China is the country that is most likely to challenge the interests of the United States, and the structural contradiction between the established power and the rising power is becoming increasingly obvious.

More and more people in the United States are unwilling to be surpassed by China, and are calling on the United States to adjust its China policy in the system, believing that the United States should take measures to take precautions, while the anti-China forces in the past are more actively promoting the comprehensive containment of China in an effort to weaken China. Although there is no sign that the US system has begun a comprehensive China policy of containing China, Sino-US relations today are obviously much more dangerous than they were 10 years ago, and they are becoming more and more dangerous.

There are two very different views on the transfer of power in international relations theory. Although there is a view that rising powers will necessarily challenge traditional powers, the end result must be conflict or even war. However, another view holds that military conflict can be avoided if neither the traditional and emerging powers feel a threat to their security, and if they are able to consider each other's interests and try to satisfy each other's interests, and if the traditional powers are willing to share power, and if the new powers share power with obligations, and are willing to accept the existing international order and norms of behavior.

If we overemphasize the conflicting side of the U.S.-China relationship today and lose sight of the other side of the growing convergence of interests in the relationship, we are likely to make the nightmare self-fulfilling. It should be realized that the help of the United States to China in the past century or so is enormous, the international system established and led by the United States and the fundamental interests of the rise of the United States are not contradictory, and the economic development of the United States in the past 30 years has benefited from the system that the United States has tried to maintain and the positive response of the United States to the modernization of the United States. For China, integrating into the existing system, mastering the rules of the game, and making necessary adjustments and transformations to it is less costly and more beneficial than starting from scratch.

Today, although the United States has regarded China as a competitor and is worried about its intentions towards the United States after the rise of China, it has not yet regarded China as a current enemy. This is a far cry from the US-Soviet relations during the Cold War, in which there was considerable room to prevent the deterioration of bilateral relations. Today, most of what the US system is doing is aimed at prevention. We must not prematurely regard ourselves as the main opponent of the United States and take the initiative to play the role of the Soviet Union in those years. After years of development, the economic and trade relations between China and the United States have become quite close, and people-to-people exchanges are also very extensive, and many beneficiaries and business elites will not want to see confrontation between China and the United States. At the same time, the United States is a pluralistic society, and its views and interests are not monolithic, and there are various views and factions such as pro-China, anti-China, and anti-China. Although there are extreme anti-China remarks, they do not represent the majority after all.

In fact, the United States is learning to adapt to the rising China. For a long time, the United States has always looked down on China, and now it is only beginning to learn to look at China at a glance. It is natural that quite a few people in the United States are uncomfortable and uncomfortable. Moreover, the elite of the United States has deep-rooted prejudices and distrust of the Chinese system. Learning to adapt to the "rising China" is destined to be a period of frequent friction in the relations between the two countries. However, even though China and the United States will have many bumps and bumps in the coming period, the two countries are already tightly entangled. There is both competition and cooperation in the relationship, and there is both quarrel and no one can do without the other. This is a new type of relationship, and the traditional understanding of international relations can no longer provide a good overview of the essence of today's Sino-US relations. How to manage the increasingly complex competitive relationship between China and the United States, cooperate in conflict, and coexist in competition so that it does not derail, requires wisdom; Especially today, when the civil society forces of the two countries are increasingly suspicious of each other.

At any time, we must be soberly aware that although China has made remarkable achievements, there is still a considerable gap between its overall strength and that of the United States, which has obvious advantages in the fields of high technology, higher education, basic research and development and innovation, financial system, and military industry. In recent years, the country has indeed experienced thorny domestic problems such as widening gap between rich and poor, high unemployment, fiscal deficits, high debt, and distorted medical system. However, the error correction mechanism in the rice system still exists, the stability of the system is still strong, and the society is still full of vitality, which is far from declining and declining as some people imagine.

In the past half century, the United States has experienced three major national worries. The first time was in the late 50s of the last century, when the artificial satellite launched by the Soviet Union made the elite of the United States worry that it would be surpassed by the Soviet Union. The second worry was in the early 70s due to the oil crisis, the Vietnam War and domestic economic stagflation, which made the people of the United States worry that the hegemony would be replaced by Western Europe. The third time was in the mid-to-late 80s, when the elite of the United States feared that Japan would surpass the United States in terms of economy and technology. Today's concern about the rise of China can be said to be the fourth time after World War II, and whether the rise of China can make China's worries come true is still a historical unknown. In this regard, the Chinese elite must have a sober sense of history. (To be continued.) )