That's a kind of interesting question.

As we all know, when the Republic of China was founded, the Western world, mainly Europe and the United States, quickly recognized its legitimacy. It's not that they are kind, but that they think that an "organized" China will make it easier for them to obtain greater economic benefits, just like when the Empress Dowager Cixi went to war with the Eight-Nation Empire, but still received the "understanding" of the Eight-Nation Alliance after the war.

But in any case, the Republic of China is already a state in the full sense of the word: it has a president, a congress (though more formally), a dominant national defense force---- a Beiyang army, and a government that makes the Quartet subjugated.

Even after the farce of Emperor Hongxian, the successor President Li Yuanhong and Premier Duan Qirui still restored the name of the Beiyang government. However, the Beiyang warlord group, which was originally twisted into a rope by Yuan Shikai, has now gradually divided into many retail investors, and the split between the two major factions of Zhi and Anhui has emerged.

Considering that all parties were in unison with the opposition to Yuan at the beginning, Sun Yat-sen had the opportunity to set up another military government in Guangdong, and Cai Yi's Yunnan Protector Army was de facto independent. However, nominally, the Republic of China is still a country, and everyone is only against the old Yuan as emperor instead of establishing a separate central government, and there is no objection from all parties at home and abroad. The instructor's words have some implications for the overall situation of his country.

Zhang Hanqing was confident: "The so-called modern country, without exception, is manifested in independent diplomacy, justice, customs and territorial integrity, which is far less than China's ---- weak countries have no diplomacy, judicial independence, customs are in the hands of the British, and the management of the central government in the southwest and northwest is still beyond the reach of the whip." Even within the Beiyang Army, most of the military power was concentrated in the hands of the provincial governors. At a critical time, if the Central Committee wants to transfer troops, it depends on the faces of the governors, which means that the military power is not completely unified.

The state cannot become a state in the full sense of the word if it cannot achieve the unification of government decrees and military orders internally, just like the relationship between the princes and the emperor of Zhou, during the period when the Eastern Zhou Dynasty was called a country, there were two major eras: the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period. Nominally, Zhou Tianzi was the supreme ruler of China at that time, but his words could not come out of Luoyi. Since the founding of the Republic of China, the provinces have been in fact independent military and political systems----, and the current system of the Republic of China is neither a federation, nor a confederation, nor a republic, but a collection of warlords from all walks of life. In terms of the northeast alone, it is beyond the reach of the central government, but the three provinces also have their own subordinates. That is, in Fengsheng, although Governor Zhang is the governor appointed by the central government, there is also the 28th Division of Feng's assistant office that is beyond Fengtian, and it seems to be in a state of resistance.

Externally, it was surrounded by foreign powers, and the country was weakened because of the loss of land and land by the Manchu government. The great powers have even seized the opportunity to carve up our country, and in the future, there will inevitably be an upsurge of supporting puppets from all sides. With China's strength, a major battle is indispensable to put an end to interference in China's internal affairs by foreign powers. However, with China's current strength, it is difficult to do so.

That's why I say that China is far from being a unified country at present, and it still has a long way to go before reunification. However, China has the tradition of 'the whole long must be divided, and the long time must be together', and the road is long, and I will go up and down to seek. The day of true reunification will come, I firmly believe. In public, he generally respectfully called his father Zhang Zuolin as Zhang Du.

The middle-aged instructor's admiration was another layer thicker, but he then asked, "Insightful." In your opinion, who will finally complete the great task of unifying China? Premier Duan, Vice President Xu? Or is it Mr. Sun's power? ”

Zhang Hanqing secretly spat in his heart, this is common sense that even elementary school students understand in the previous time and space. He said confidently: "Xu Shichang and Duan Qirui are self-respecting, and it is difficult for Mr. Sun Yat-sen's current policy to be in a vague stage, and he has not yet been able to unite the vast majority of the Chinese people, so it is impossible for him to take on the great task of reunification at this stage." In the end, who will accomplish the great cause of reunifying China, there will always be twists and turns as the situation changes, but I believe that there will always be a force that will emerge when the virtuous person lives in it. As long as it can represent the voice of China and grasp the pulse of the times, what difference does it make in the end? ”

But he shouted in his heart: "What you didn't expect is that the Feng Department will soon occupy a place in China's political arena, and because of my existence, who else can unify China!" It's a pity that his ambition can only be buried deep in his heart, otherwise he will first be regarded as a madman---- and now he doesn't even know where to open the door.

The middle-aged instructor asked: "What does the so-called ambiguity of Sun Yat-sen's policy mean?" ”

Zhang Hanqing smiled and said, "Mr. Sun Yat-sen is a visionary leader, but he is difficult to speak alone. In order to achieve his personal political goals and intentions, he did not hesitate to set up a new stove outside the Kuomintang and reorganize the Chinese Revolutionary Party. However, in order to restrain party members and control the organization, the Chinese Revolutionary Party not only adopted the method of secret association of gangs, but also required party members to be absolutely loyal to Sun Yat-sen personally, to take an oath according to their hand model, and to divide the people into ranks according to the time they joined the party, and enjoy different treatment. It is said that an oath must be written in the party constitution, which contains the language similar to the underworld such as "keep this covenant forever, unswerving until death, and if you have two hearts, you will be willing to be punished by death". From the point of view of its internal organization alone, this Chinese revolutionary party is more like a gang-like organization than a revolutionary political party. Joke! The fact that politicians can be loyal by taking an oath is a bit of a child's play! Is this an underworld or a political revolution?

It is no wonder that revolutionary fathers like Huang Xing refused to participate, and some Kuomintang members who were also in exile in Japan were also very repulsive to this, and important figures in the original alliance such as Li Liejun, Bai Wenwei, and Tan Renfeng did not join. This has greatly weakened his strength and reduced the ruling base of the Chinese Revolutionary Party---- not that this is wrong, but that the current Chinese Revolutionary Party is a mixed bag, and it has formed a trend of not falling behind. If Mr. Sun, who has no military strength, wants to unify China, he is still far away.

If you don't believe it, General Cai of the Southwest has raised the banner of anti-Yuan, what is the Chinese Revolutionary Party doing? I only heard about the organization of several unsuccessful armed uprisings and assassinations in the country. Can a secret organization of several hundred people take on the heavy responsibility of leading the Chinese revolution? Look at which revolutionary regime in recent history won power by assassination?

From the day of its birth, there was a disagreement within the Kuomintang: first Song Jiaoren was assassinated without explanation, and then Chen Qimei assassinated Zheng Rucheng. The former is a doubtful case, but I don't want to speculate according to the point of view that who benefits and who is in doubt; The latter was the revolutionaries' rebellion against Yuan's government, which can be said to be a different story. However, ten days after the revolutionary army conquered Nanjing, Chen Qimei shot and killed Tao Junbao, the chief of staff of the People's Army, who visited him, in the Shanghai Military Governor's Mansion, and assassinated Tao Chengzhang, the leader of the Restoration Society, in order to compete for the Zhejiang Governor, and then Yuan Shikai sent his personal guard Yuan Jiliang to assassinate Chen Qimei in Chen's house. Isn't it a huge irony that the Kuomintang is killing people and killing people, but Yuan Shikai is the president? ”

It's true.

Sun Yat-sen's strength was indeed limited: after the Xinhai Revolution, most of the provinces mainly relied on regimental training and new armies in various places, or mixed in some overseas Chinese and members of the Hongmen and their elders' associations, neither in terms of equipment and soldier quality, could not compete with the Beiyang Army, the main force of the Qing Dynasty. In addition, since Sun did not actually participate in the revolutionary war, the revolutionary forces in the provinces put forward their own leadership, so that the revolutionary forces took on the situation of a multi-headed carriage. As for the Wuchang Uprising in 1911, it was jointly planned by the Communist Party and the Hubei New Army Revolutionary Group Literary Society, and it was even just an accidental misfire. At that time, Sun Yat-sen was still working in a friend's restaurant in Denver, Colorado, USA, and did not know about the revolution, so Sun Yat-sen said: "The success of Wuchang was an accident."

This made his prestige within the Kuomintang even inferior to Huang Xing for a time, and even Morrisson, a foreign journalist known as a "China expert" and a veteran author of the special issue of the British "Times" in China, said in public reports that he was a "half-Chinese," that is---- that is, a person who knew little about his own country, and denounced Sun Yat-sen: "The prestige of the revolution comes from bragging." ”

thinks that Sun Wen does not understand China's national conditions, and Yuan Shikai was not the only one at that time. Zhang Jian also said: "(Sun Wen) has not had time to integrate the four or five thousand years of China's territory, customs, and political power due to the gradual changes in the profits and losses due to the revolution, because he has traveled abroad for many years, and the source of political customs in various countries. ”

Li Yuanhong believes: "The world has a wrong understanding of Sun Yat-sen... Sun Yat-sen has been away from China for a long time and has no connection with any of the forces here. He is well-known abroad, so he seems to fit into the position. I have never heard of him providing any substantial assistance to the revolutionary work. His reputation is largely fictional..."

And now Sun Yat-sen is still in Shanghai, and not long ago he published an empty and powerless article against Yuan Shikai "Declaration of Yuan Shikai", and he doesn't know where the road is. At this time, Sun Yat-sen's political force was no longer the protagonist, and it was inevitable that the Chinese Revolutionary Party would be the political defeat factor. Perhaps this made him repent, and the Chinese Revolutionary Party was reorganized into the Chinese Kuomintang a few years later.

Later changes in history are one thing, provided that there is no Zhang Hanqing here.

The middle-aged instructor's obviously gloomy expression made Zhang Hanqing feel that this person might have some relationship with Sun Yat-sen, or at least a sympathizer or yearner. In an era when factional barriers are evident, this apparent tendency is not tolerated by most regimes. However, with Zhang Hanqing's vision, he has already surpassed this stage, and he is somewhat interested in this person.

Obviously, this person is upright, far from being the sloppy and cunning that some veteran ruffians are accustomed to. The uniform had a patch on the shoulder, and the whole garment looked a little whitish, obviously an old uniform that had been washed for a long time, but it still looked very powerful. Generally speaking, among the middle and upper class officers, who can still maintain such a simple position, must be very rigorous. So Zhang Hanqing's favor suddenly increased.