Chapter Ninety-Eight: Former Prime Minister Winston Churchill

If nothing else, Labour will surprise Churchill, who was in charge of the Potsdam conference. Alan Wilson has no doubt about this, and this does not mean that when the Labour Party comes to power, the British Empire will be sold without even underwear.

The relationship between the Labor Party and the Conservative Party is very similar to the relationship between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party in the United States. Especially on the colonial issue, Attlee and Churchill differed only in details.

The change in the attitude of both parties towards the British Empire's extensive colonies was in fact the same, resolutely maintaining, focusing on support, limited persistence, partial abandonment, and total withdrawal.

In fact, with the exception of British India, Attlee did not give up any of his colonies when he was in power. The situation of British India was really forced to force Britain beyond its national strength, so it had to be abandoned.

Moreover, the great disarmament of Britain in the fifties actually took place after the Conservatives regained power.

On the streets of London, supporters of the Labour Party chanted Labour's support for Attlee, "a high and increasing standard of living, lifting all people out of poverty, and establishing an educational system that makes it possible for every boy, girl and child to develop their talents"

"Voting for the Labour Party was the beginning of the fall of the British Empire, and only Churchill could make Britain great again."

If Alan Wilson hears it in China, as an iron fan who understands the king, he will definitely hold an old fist against the other party, blatant plagiarism, where is the gentleman's face?

It's a pity that he is not in the country, but accompanies Fortseva to count the remaining German fleets in the major German ports. He has adjusted his mentality and tried his best to complete his tasks.

"I thought you would be reluctant, after all, the German fleet is in the hands of you British." Fortseva was in a good mood, but from time to time she coughed a little unpleasantly.

"Emaciated camels are bigger than horses, and a fleet of this size is not yet in the eyes of the British Empire." Alan Wilson slapped a swollen face and said stiffly, "As a continental country, the Soviet Union still doesn't know what a century-old navy is. Without twenty years, the Soviet Union could not compete with Britain at sea. ”

"Well, I can't see that." Fortseva covered her mouth and chuckled and teased, "Then why listen to the Americans and give us the German fleet in your hands?" ”

The Americans will pay for it, Alan Wilson thought silently in his heart, looked at Fortseva deeply and brushed his sleeves away.

The Breston Woods system, while a good enabler for consolidating hegemony, has its limitations. Under this system, although the United States is the leader of the capitalist countries, Britain and France are also capable of making the United States not go too far. He remembered that in the 10 years from the 60s to the 70s, Britain, France, and Germany took advantage of the quagmire of the Vietnam War to continuously carry out financial attacks on the United States.

The United States really said the same thing in the West, or after the dollar and oil were tied, and at the same time kidnapped the whole of Europe.

"This is British-occupied territory!" Alan Wilson, who had taken two steps, suddenly turned around and muttered, "What are you Soviets so angry about?" ”

Although Germany's commercial fleet has grown from 5 million before the war to 800,000 tons today, it is still a huge gain for the Soviet Union, a purely continental country.

It was only slightly stronger than the three defeated Germans, Italy and Japan, less than the leaders of Britain and the United States, and even inferior to France, which threw a rifle.

From Fortseva's cautious actions, Alan Wilson could also judge that the Soviet Union should attach great importance to this batch of German ships to be handed over.

At the same time as the transfer was taking place here, Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union were still engaged in a series of confrontations at the Potsdam Conference. The question of the border between Germany and Poland, as well as part of East Prussia and the former Danzig Free Zone, which was not under the jurisdiction of the Soviet Union, were under the jurisdiction of the Polish Government. Britain and the United States agreed to establish diplomatic relations with the Provisional Government of National Unity of Poland.

Britain and the United States also agreed to cede Königsberg and nearby areas to the Soviet Union as punishment for Germany to start a war. In this way, the Potsdam Conference officially changed the borders of Germany to what was familiar to future generations.

Poland lost its former Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, which were incorporated into the territory of the USSR.

With regard to German reparations, it was determined that "the claims of the Soviet Union for reparations would be satisfied by the confiscation of the assets of the Soviet-occupied areas in Germany and the corresponding German investments abroad". In addition, the Soviet Union could receive 10 percent of the industrial facilities demolished in the Western occupation zone and 15 percent of the compensation paid for goods.

In other words, the British-occupied zone could not jump the treatment of being drawn blood by the Soviet Union. The British delegation stated that, although it had agreed to the Soviet Union's proposal to Poland, the Polish government-in-exile had to return to Poland and participate fairly in the post-war reconstruction of Poland on a democratic basis.

This is a black-box operation, Alan Wilson and Fortseva have already agreed that Britain will return the Polish government-in-exile and its supporters to Poland under a reasonable and legal pretext, and as for what the Soviet Union is willing to do with it at that time, and what method to deal with it, it is the Soviets' own business.

Stalin had even already figured out a solution and was ready to send Marshal Rokossovsky, who was a Pole, to wait in Poland for the return of the Polish government-in-exile.

In the process of handing over the fleet, Alan Wilson suddenly said, "In fact, the Soviet Union can use the Yugoslav problem to put pressure on the Americans to see if they can exchange the four-nation occupation of Berlin." ”

After the refugee incident in Yugoslavia, in order to prevent similar incidents from happening again, the Soviet Red Army had blocked the Austrian border and spoke for Yugoslavia at the Potsdam Conference, much to Truman's embarrassment.

This kind of move is very reasonable, and more than 200,000 people in Yugoslavia did flee to the American-occupied zone, and the Soviet Union occupied the reason, and turned the occupation of the four countries that had been in name only into the Soviet occupation of Austria.

The Potsdam Conference reached another impasse on the Austrian question. Stalin said that the current status quo in Austria should not be changed for the time being, which greatly displeased Prime Minister Churchill, and what made Churchill even more uncomfortable was that he seemed to be about to become a former prime minister.

Churchill, who was in the Potsdam Conference after the victory over Germany, fell behind the Labour Party in the elections that had already been cast. If this trend continues, the Conservatives will lose the general election, and the regional form of some delayed votes will not be encouraging.

Two days later, the results of the general election were announced, and Churchill was honorably elected former Prime Minister of the British Empire.

"Which side are you civil servants on?" Fortseva asked in a provocative tone after hearing the results of the election discussed by the British, and after meeting Alan Wilson.

"The winning side." Alan Wilson straightened his back and replied in the words of Stalin, "The victor is not to blame." ”