After listening to his father's words, Yuan Keding thought for a while, "But, everyone just disagrees?" Why is that? ”

"Even if all these people are replaced, they are all replaced by Han Chinese, and there will still be people who oppose them." Yuan Shikai shook his head.

"And why is that?" Yuan Keding asked again.

"There is a saying, by the way, it is difficult to reconcile people, and there are many people and many things. It depends on who is in charge. If Galeries Lafayette didn't have a responsible cabinet at that time, who would dare to say anything? Zaifeng, the yellow-haired child, is far behind. ”

Speaking of this, Yuan Shikai had a gloating expression on his face.

"Someone secretly told me that it would be nice to have you in the responsible cabinet."

Yuan Shikai sighed, walked to the door and took a look, "What others say, that's someone else's business, you are not allowed to follow and mix!" Yuan Shikai said.

"Don't worry, I'm stupid?" Yuan Keding replied.

When Yuan Keding came back this time, he found that his father had changed significantly, and he had more contact with people outside. The telegraph was also pressed at home, and the ticking sound was often heard from the telegraph room.

He couldn't help but think in his heart: Is this father of his who can't bear to be lonely?

However, my father kept silent, and he was not easy to ask.

The remnants of the Diet petition continued, the protests of the Imperial Cabinet continued, and the pro-road movement broke out.

By the end of the late Qing Dynasty, corruption had become commonplace, officials were corrupt, and the people were equally corrupt.

In the late New Deal, in order to develop railway construction, private capital was encouraged to invest in the construction of railways.

By 1910, 17 private railway companies had emerged across the country.

These private companies have also suffered from corruption, either failing to raise funds, or being paralyzed by corruption, or diverting funds for the construction of railways, and none of the 17 railway companies has built a railway.

In view of this situation, Zhang Zhidong, Yang Du, Sheng Xuanhuai, and others, who had originally strongly advocated the establishment of railway business, changed their views and advocated the state-owned railway.

The state has no money and can borrow from foreign banks.

This idea, known as the Imperial Cabinet, was adopted by the Qing court.

On May 9, 1911, the Qing Dynasty. The government promulgated a decision on the state-owned railways: "The country must have major trunk roads that crisscross the four borders,...... Poor planning in the past...... Do not divide the branches, do not measure the people's strength, a paper petition, and approve the commercial office. In the past few years, Guangdong has collected shares and half, there are not many roads, Sichuan has a huge debt, and there is no chasing, and Hunan and Hubei have set up bureaus for many years, and they have been spent in vain. ……

"With a special clear message, show the world, trunk roads are owned by the state, set as a policy. All the trunk roads that were set up in various provinces before the third year of Xuantong (1911) to set up companies and companies to raise shares and run businesses have been delayed for a long time, and should be immediately recovered by the state and built as soon as possible. Except for the branch road, which is still allowed to be carried out by businessmen and people according to their discretion, all the cases of the trunk road that were approved in the past have been cancelled. ”

We do not need to discuss whether it is better to have the railways owned or whether it is better to run them commercially or privately, nor do we need to discuss whether the idea and practice of the responsible cabinet and the Qing court as railway nationalization is right or wrong.

The question is, so many people have raised so much money to build and are preparing to build the railway, and the imperial court makes a decision to say "the railway is state-owned", is it okay?

As we have said, geometric axioms that violate personal interests will also be opposed by people, and how many people's interests will be touched by a state-owned railway.

In Sichuan, in particular, a large part of the funds come from ordinary farmers.

Each peasant's money may not be much, but it is what the poor peasants have saved with great difficulty from what they eat in their mouths and wear on their bodies.

I was expecting to make some money by investing in the construction of railways, but now it's good, all of a sudden, the state is owned, and this involves thousands of households!

These decision-makers in the Qing court may not have realized that times have changed. It's no longer the time for the whole world to be the king's land, the imperial power is supreme, and what the emperor says is the time. It was not the time when Bai Juyi wrote "The Charcoal Seller".

A laborer worked hard to burn a cart of charcoal in Nanshan and bring it to the market to sell.

"I am worried about the cold weather, and the poor clothes are single", the family relied on this carload of charcoal to exchange for money to buy "clothes on the body and food in the mouth". But a few people from the palace requisitioned the cart of charcoal for free, and just hung a piece of red silk cloth on the head of the ox pulling the cart.

From here, it is not difficult to see that the premise of normal commodity exchange is the equality of buyers and sellers, that is to say, the development of commodity economy is incompatible with feudal autocracy.

Times have changed, and we have entered the historical stage of preparing for the constitution, and there is already a council and a council in each province. It was necessary to go through a certain process to change the construction of railways from commercial to state-owned, but the Qing court did not take seriously the procedures it had stipulated.

For the early investment of the people, the Qing court also made great efforts to make corresponding compensation.

We don't discuss whether these compensation is reasonable or unreasonable. The money of the state, in the final analysis, is also everyone's, and the so-called money is taken from the people, not the property of the ruler himself.

The question is, have you discussed such a matter with the indemnified party? No.

Also, borrowing money from foreign banks to build railways, which we now call the introduction of foreign capital, should be a good thing anyway; But there is also a process of understanding.

If it is interpreted as using foreigners' money to build railways, and the railways are foreigners', the act of borrowing money is regarded as betraying the country, which in turn will arouse patriotic feelings.

So, all these things added up to create this railway trend.

The first to rise up against the people of Hunan was the 14 May 1911 when a mass gathering of 10,000 people was held in Changsha. This was followed by a demonstration of 10,000 railway workers from Changsha to Zhuzhou, calling on businessmen to strike the market, students to boycott classes, and refuse to call taxes in protest.

Driven by Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong and other places have also taken active action. The pro-road movement soon developed into an armed uprising.

The Road Protection Movement, also known as the railway wave, was the most powerful and the most serious in Sichuan.

On June 1, 1911, in order to repay the borrowing from the foreign powers in the Shanghai rubber stock storm, Sheng Xuanhuai, the secretary of the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, and Duan Fang, the minister of supervision, jointly sent a telegram to Wang Wenwen, the governor of Sichuan, informing the Yidu branch of the method for dealing with the shares of the Sichuan-Han Railway: the funds used by the company and the existing funds of the company shall be handled by the government. The government will issue shares to the National Railways and will not be refunded in cash.

If the Sichuan people are determined to raise cash, they will borrow foreign debts, and they will offset them with the financial revenue of Sichuan Province.

Wang Wenyuan thought it was a politician. The government only collects the road but does not collect the money, so far it is known that the road money is collected. When he received the telegram, he knew that as soon as this telegram came out, the whole province would be in chaos, so he suppressed the telegram.

Sheng Xuanhuai and Duan Fang called the general manager of the Sichuan-Han Railway Company in Yichang. Li Jixun asked if he had seen the telegram, and Li immediately called the Chengdu head office to ask for it, and the head office transferred it to the Supervision Office.

Wang Wenwen had no choice but to copy the company, and the telegram was made public, and public opinion in the province was in an uproar. At the same time, Duan Fang, Sheng Xuanhuai and others repeatedly urged Wang Wenwen to send personnel to check the accounts of the railway company in various places so that they could receive them, but the auditors were refused.

On the 13th, the loan contracts of the four countries were sent to Chengdu, and Luo Lun drafted articles, refuted them one by one, and united more than 2,400 people to ask Wang Wenwen to play on behalf of the imperial court. Deng Xiaoke was also furious. He is known for his book "Traitorous Postal Department! Traitor Sheng Xuanhuai" as the title, scolding "Minister Sheng betrayed the slave".

Luo Lun, the word Ziqing, also known as Ziqing, formerly known as Jincai, the word Kanghou, a native of Xichong, Sichuan. At the end of the Qing Dynasty, he was the vice chairman of the Sichuan Provincial Consultative Bureau, a constitutionalist figure, and the main leader of the Sichuan Road Protection Movement.

Deng Xiaoke, the word Mulu, is a native of Fengjie, Sichuan. In 1903, he went to Japan to study at Hosei University in Tokyo. During his studies in Japan and after his return to Japan, Tang was engaged in constitutional politics for a long time. During the Xinhai Sichuan Baolu Movement, he served as the head of the Sichuan Baolu Comrades Association and hosted the "Report of the Sichuan Baolu Comrades Association", which played a relatively important role in the development of the Sichuan Baolu Movement.

The railway company held an emergency meeting and decided to immediately organize a comrade meeting to protect the road, and without waiting for the approval of the special shareholders' meeting, a notice was issued overnight, and the establishment was announced the next day.

Chengdu Yuefu Street is flooded. After the inaugural meeting began, Luo Lun, Deng Xiaoke, Liu Shengyuan and others spoke one after another, and tears fell.

Liu Shengyuan, whose name is Liqing, is a native of Wanxian County, Sichuan Province (now Wanzhou, Chongqing City). He was an industrialist, one of the leaders of the Sichuan Baolu Movement, and later a Buddhist monk.

Luo Lun ascended the altar, waved to the audience, and said: "The Sichuan-Han Railway is over!" Sichuan is also finished, and China is also finished! After saying that, he cried, and suddenly the audience was full of crying, and even the policemen present were crying. The crying lasted for twenty or thirty minutes.

Then Luo Lun slammed his fist on the table and shouted: "We have to swear to oppose it!" We must organize a temporary organ to resist in unison, to the end! Merchants strike! Workers on strike! Students go on strike! Peasants resist paying taxes! The audience shouted "yes!" The Baolu Comrade Association was established, with the president holding Pu Dianjun and the vice president holding Luo Lun. It is divided into four units, namely the General Affairs Unit, the Clerical Unit, the Communication Unit, and the Lobbying Unit.

Pu Dianjun, a native of Guang'an, Sichuan, was the main leader of the Xinhai Baolu Movement. In 1904, he participated in the palace examination, was appointed as a director, and in 1905 he was sent to study in Japan. In 1909, the Shu people elected Pu Dianjun as the chairman of the Sichuan Consultative Bureau, and in August of the same year, Beijing established the National Federation of Consultative Bureaus, and Pu Dianjun was elected as the vice chairman of the Federation. In 1910, he founded the Shu Bao, the organ of the Sichuan Consultative Bureau, to advocate civil rights.

The conference temporarily motioned, and all the participants went to the governor's yamen to petition Wang Wenwen and asked for a substitute. Wang Wenwen expressed sympathy for the masses and said that as long as the matter of the national economy and people's livelihood is concerned, he should fight on the basis of reason no matter what.

On the 17th, Wang Wenwen sent a telegram to the cabinet: "Before today, various groups gathered for a meeting, and more than 2,000 people attended, and they cried and cried movingly,...... But the urgency of grief is unusual."

The imperial court ignored it and did not pay enough attention to it.

The situation in Sichuan is becoming more and more serious, and more and more people are throwing themselves into the road protection movement.