Continuing to look further, Pu Su found that on June 12, China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs finally responded to the May 22 memo from U.S. State Hull. The response was tougher, claiming that "the legal relationship between the Chinese government and the concession will not be altered without the consent of the Chinese government." ”

The foreign minister insisted on "maintaining the status quo ante to the Japanese invasion" and refused to recognize any restrictions on the flying of the national flag by the people in the concession. In this note, it was also stated that the activities condemned by the concession authorities were the actions of individuals motivated by patriotic fervor; Moreover, their actions are far inferior to the real "terrorist activities" carried out by the Japanese and their puppets.

Needless to say, the Chinese government will not endorse any restrictions on the flying of the national flag in the concession.

However, after reiterating this position, the Chongqing side ended the memorandum on a soothing note, emphasizing the Chinese government's gratitude to the U.S. government for protecting the people of Shanghai in a spirit of friendship and compassion. He also highly praised the protection of the United States and other governments and their efforts to take care of the lives and interests of the Chinese in the concession.

Despite this gratitude, the Americans found themselves in the summer of 1939 unable to approve of the British demand for a conference in Tokyo to discuss the fate of the Tianjin Concession.

In July 1939, Britain attempted to reach an agreement with Japan on the question of Tientsin, only to find that Japan insisted on negotiating the issue within the framework of its claims to power over China. Apparently fully aware that such a larger-scale agreement could become the "Munich of the Far East", but Britain looked powerless because it did not have the support of the United States. They therefore had no choice but to give in.

On July 24, 1939, the British ambassador in Tokyo accepted the so-called Craigie Arita Foru Agreement. Accordingly, Britain admits that "large-scale hostilities are unfolding in China." It is the responsibility of the Japanese army to maintain security and law and order in the areas it occupies. British consular officers should not stop the Japanese military authorities, taking the necessary measures for this purpose

However, the news of the Claeky-Arita agreement has sparked discontent in the United States, which has just defeated the proposal to amend the Pan-American Chinese legislation. On July 26, 1939, President Roosevelt announced his decision to give Japan the necessary six months to absolve the treaty.

As soon as this news came out, the Chinese immediately cheered in unison. The Japanese, especially those in Tokyo, saw the incident as a pivotal shift in U.S. policy toward East Asia. At this time, their fighting spirit was at their peak, and the Japanese military headquarters was invincible, and they mistakenly believed that they were invincible in the world, and their thoughts of non-division became more and more intense. (It was on this occasion that the United States began with economic sanctions that eventually led to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor over time.) ）

After the Tokyo negotiations further undermined the autonomy of the concessions, the Americans paradoxically (some say stubbornly) hardened. But regardless of the attitude of the Americans, the British authorities in the Shanghai Public Concession really followed the agreement.

In the summer and early fall of 1939, officers of the Ministry of Industry and Police continued to cooperate with the Japanese security agencies. For example, on September 13, at the request of the Japanese, the Ministry of Industry and Bureau police arrested three employees and two engineers of the China International Commercial Bank.

Because of the confessions of these people, the French police could only cooperate with the Ministry of Industry and arrested an acrobat with political ties to the Kuomintang in the French Concession.

(In this reluctant action of the French Concession, Gu Ji learned the information in advance and instructed Lao Ren to do something, otherwise it would be a big fish of the military commander who was caught.) This is also one of the reasons why he later directly entered the field of vision of the military command and was transferred back to Chongqing. ）

The next day, September 14, detectives from the Police Department of the Ministry of Industry arrested a Chinese stockbroker. It is also in accordance with the requirements of the Japanese. The newspaper report read: "In each case, the minions of the police department of the Ministry of Industry took their captors out into the streets to win the admiration of the Japanese plainclothes police who were waiting there." Cooperation with the Japanese police soon reached the point of groveling and surrendering to the Japanese military. ”

However, this bitter pill was made even more difficult to swallow by the clumsy behavior of the Japanese puppets who ruled the bad land, and aroused the resentment of those who could have been less opposed to cooperating with the "New East Asian Order".

If it is said that after the entry into force of the Klaigi-Arita Agreement, the communication between the Police Department of the Ministry of Industry and the Japanese Gendarmerie was greatly smooth. The relationship between the Public Concession police and the Chinese puppet police is becoming increasingly strained.

This is partly due to the expansion of the Chinese police, which in turn reflects the expansion of their authority outside of Shanghai itself. This expansion was the result of the defeat or co-optation of the anti-Japanese guerrillas operating in the suburbs of Shanghai by the Japanese regular army.

For example, "before March 1939, the Fengxian area of Pudong was completely under the control of the guerrillas. But after a month-long sweep by General Nakajima's troops, the area was cleared of resistance.

The Japanese continued to station 120 soldiers from the Songjiang garrison in Fengxian, however, in May 1939, Mayor Fu Xiao'an ordered the Shanghai Police Chief Colonel Lu Ying to establish a new substation at Nanqiao. The sub-bureau consisted of 220 patrol officers, armed with 100 rifles of various types, all under the command of Yin Zhongli, and a member of the Japanese secret service called Yamashita served as an adviser.

At the same time, the number of urban law enforcement officers in Shanghai increased, and by June 1939 the police department of the Shanghai Municipal Government consisted of 11 sub-bureaus, 5 police stations, and 8 other police units (detective teams, garrisons, reserves, marine police regiments, training camps, police cars, detention centers, police hospitals, etc.), with a total of 5,662 men and women, an increase of 507 over April.

After Minister of the Interior, Chen Qun, ordered Lu Ying to extend police authority to Jiading and Chongming, the Shanghai Police Department was strengthened in July. Lu Ying quickly appointed his secretary Jin Dianyang as the head of the 230 police officers in Jiading, and appointed Yin Zhongli, the head of the Fengxian sub-bureau, as the head of the 220 police officers on Chongming Island.

As a result, the total number of puppet police officers in Shanghai reached 6,125. At the same time, two more regrouped units were put into operation. Nanjing's Ministry of the Interior ordered that all "sub-bureaus" and "offices" should be renamed "bureaus".

The Shanghai government's special sub-bureau (which was independent of the police) was reorganized under the direction of Gong Wenfang to deal with the activities of anti-Japanese elements.

By September 1939, the puppet detective team headed by Guo Shaoyi had 300 members. On October 7, the Japanese ordered Roh Ying to reorganize the detective team into a special high school to carry out special tasks, dealing with foreign-related affairs, censoring cultural works, and investigating political dissidents.

At the same time, a guerrilla force that had surrendered in the spring of that year formed the "Nanhuai Self-Defense Regiment" in Pudong and began to play the role of regular police, with a total of 700 people, commanded by Li Jie and Jiang Miaogen. Because the Self-Defense Corps has been collecting unpopular taxes in Pudong, it now receives a salary of 30,000 yuan a month as a regular police agency.

On October 12, 1939, Police Chief Lu Ying, accompanied by Detective Captain Guo Shaoyi, Naval Police Captain Bao Ziying, and Secret Service Adviser Taketsuji, inspected the "Self-Defense Regiment," which placed former guerrillas under the control of regular police, and which already had 700 patrols.

As the puppet police relied on the Japanese army to expand their influence into the suburbs, the conflict between them and the police department of the Ministry of Industry and the police department in the cross-border construction area of Shanghai and West became correspondingly fierce. On August 19, 1939, the Concession police officer opened fire on the puppet police on the Pole Phil Road, shooting and killing a deputy inspector and a detective.

The Huxi Police Station at 92 Jisfeier Road then admonished "a tough and fearless attitude towards the Concession Police" and authorized the use of force against anyone, regardless of the nationality that hindered them in the performance of policing in Huxi. A new decision was issued on the Chinese police, albeit pseudo-police, to have control over the cross-border road construction area.

After Britain declared war on Germany on September 3, 1939, it was supported by Japan. On the night of 9 September, 100 members of the puppet police reserve were transported from the Toyota mill to 92 Polefield Road. At this time, with the addition of the Shanghai Municipal Government Police, the total number reached 360.

The puppet police then used this new army to patrol the cross-border road construction area in the area. At the same time, the puppet police and the Japanese military police seized several mansions on Jisfil Road and set up sandbag bunkers with machine guns outside their gates. Four days later, the Japanese military police and puppet police requisitioned a large mansion on Wag Road (rumored to have been used as a casino by its Taiwanese owner) and converted it into a barracks for 35 members.

The next day, a notice signed by Wang Delin was posted on the door of No. 92 Jisifeier Road, declaring that Huxi was now under the jurisdiction of the Restoration government, and inviting the police department of the Ministry of Industry to join the Shanghai police department and pay the same salary.

The concession authorities, together with the Western military chiefs of Huxi, first refused to recognize the puppet government's statement of power. After the puppet police set up a traffic post at the corner of Robertson Road and Jiaozhou Road, the police department of the Ministry of Industry immediately protested to the commander of the Italian Navy, Count Bentivoglio. Less than three hours later, the guard was removed.

However, tensions escalated further after the shooting of Chinese and Indian patrolmen who were on off-road traffic duty. In the early morning of October 22, a shootout between the inspector of the police department of the Wang Ministry Bureau and the pseudo-secret police from 76 Jisfeier Road lasted 30 minutes.

At that time, both the Japanese and the puppet regime were arguing fiercely that the anti-Japanese terrorist activities and the continuing wave of crime in the public concession proved that the police department of the Ministry of Industry was incapable of ensuring law and order.

Therefore, it was necessary for the Chinese to manage the police affairs in Huxi themselves, and even the concession should be recovered. The newspapers of the puppet regime reiterated the claim that the concession provided shelter for the activities of criminals, claiming that the puppet police had succeeded in eliminating crime and disorderly phenomena in the areas under their jurisdiction.

Pu Su saw that the newspaper clipping in his hand was written like this

"To date, there have been no horrific robberies in the area under the jurisdiction of the Shanghai Municipal Government's police, which has been more effective in maintaining peace and order than in the concessions. This demonstrates the Chinese Government's ability to maintain peace and order within its jurisdiction. We hope that for the sake of the lives and property of the millions of Chinese residents in the Shanghai Concession, the municipal government will do its utmost to recover the concession. ”

Of course, the controversy over law and order in western Shanghai is ridiculous. But as the last sentence above suggests, it was the product of an agreement between Wang Ching-wei and the Japanese to form a new Nationalist government.

One of the key points of the agreement was the restoration of China's sovereignty over the concessions, which had been under foreign occupation for 98 years, a conscious patriotic demand in support of Wang's puppet regime. The main claim in this regard is the link between extraterritoriality and crime, and the puppet government newspaper writes the appeal in black and white:

"Since its establishment, the Concession has always been a place where all kinds of evil bandits are rampant and criminal. Due to the special circumstances of this area, the thieves are more daring and even engage the police. …… In view of this, we sincerely hope that the resumption of the concessions will be the main task of the new Central Government, once established. The concession has become the best refuge for criminal acts in China, and in order to rid the city of illegals, it should be imperative to recover all the concessions. As long as the concession remains, there will be no peace in Shanghai. ”

On the one hand, the British authorities in the public concession were keenly aware of the fact that their own country was fighting in Europe, and on the other hand, they were keenly aware that the soon-to-be-established Wang Ching-wei regime would have much greater leverage in dealing with the concession issue than the new government. Therefore, it is eager to reach an agreement with the weak and incompetent Mayor Fu Xiao'an about the police power of the evil land.

Just after New Year's Day in 1940, Fei Lipu, the general office and president of the Ministry of Industry Bureau, and the representatives of Fu Xiao'an began to discuss. The talks are progressing well. In fact, it was so smooth that agents at 76 Rue Polar tried to assassinate Felip in order to thwart a compromise agreement between the two parties.

Just after 9 a.m. on January 6, 1940, Philip's driver drove the car into an ambush circle on Hagrid Road in the British Territory. Three rickshaws blocked the road, forcing the driver to brake and stop, and the three assassins took the opportunity to draw their pistols and fire at the car at close range.

But Philip was miraculously uninjured. All three gunmen (possibly agents of the Japanese secret services) escaped. The other three agents, who were only acting as backups, fled into an alley and were captured by armed guards at a casino in the Bad Grounds. The agents confessed to being "No. 76" and were therefore handed over to the pseudo-agent headquarters and eventually to the Japanese, where they were placed in protective custody.

Philip was not timid, and continued to the negotiation site in Ambassador Cole's official armored car. On the same day, he reached a "principled" agreement with Mayor Fu to organize a special police force in Shanghai. Some of these principal officials are selected from candidates recommended by the Directorate of Works, who will be responsible for handling any case involving foreigners.

This so-called "provisional agreement" was signed on February 17, 1940 by the mayor of China and the Ministry of Industry. The "New Declaration" hailed the agreement as "a satisfactory solution to the outstanding problem of cross-border road construction." The goal of the new China is to work for independence, eliminate all invading forces, and abolish all unequal treaties. The resolution of the problem of cross-border road construction in Shanghai marked the beginning of all this. ”

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