At Tisza's request, Foreign Secretary Berstold prepared a 48-hour reply to the Foreign Mission.

The ultimatum was as follows: 1. Shut down any publication that aroused hatred and contempt for the Austrian Imperial Family.

2. Immediately ban the Narodna Odbrana, as well as other anti-Austro-Hungarian propaganda organizations.

3. Immediately remove from educational groups and teaching methods any teaching content that would or might incite anti-Austrian-Hungarian propaganda.

4. Dismissal of officials in the military or administrative departments accused of anti-Austro-Hungarian propaganda, the list of which is provided by the Austro-Hungarian Government.

5. Acceptance of cooperation with the relevant departments of the Austro-Hungarian government in the suppression of activities in Serbia that attempt to subvert the territorial integrity of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

6. To take legal action with the assistance and direction of the relevant authorities designated by the Austrian Government to punish those who planned or carried out the assassination of June 28, 1914 in Serbian territory.

7. Immediate arrest of the two named persons revealed by the preliminary investigation in Austria-Hungary.

8. Maintain cooperation and take effective measures to curb arms smuggling within its borders.

9. Explain to Austria-Hungary the remarks of high-ranking Serbian officials who are hostile to them and who are in or outside Serbia.

10. Take the above measures immediately and inform Austria-Hungary.

Bertord was ready to issue an ultimatum to the Serbian government on July 12, but at this time Mr. Big Deal stopped his actions.

At that time, the Russian ambassador to Serbia, Hartwig, visited the Austro-Hungarian ambassador to Serbia, Gisr. He expressed his heartfelt condolences to Gisle over the murder of Archduke Ferdinand. As a result, at 9:20 p.m. he suffered a heart attack inside the Austro-Hungarian embassy and died a few minutes later. Ambassador Hartwig was the driving force behind Serbia's participation in the Balkan War, and was also the head of Russia in the Balkans, and Austria hated him very much.

After the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand, all countries carried out solemn mourning activities, lowering the flag at half-mast, bowing their heads in silence, and expressing sympathy for Austria-Hungary, although there were some pretentious elements. Only Russia behaved abnormally in the embassy, and the flag was not lowered at half-mast in Rome and Belgrade. Even at the official Serbian memorial ceremony for Archduke Ferdinand, the Russians refused. It is clear that this is what Hartwig meant.

This led to rumors throughout Serbia that the Austrians had murdered Hartwig, which also delayed the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

While Austria-Hungary was being held back, Britain and France showed little concern for the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand.

Britain is now struggling with the Irish Home Rule Act. After the annexation of Ireland by the British Empire, the people of the small island were dissatisfied with the rule of the British Empire, especially the British performance during the Great Irish Famine. In 1886 and 1892, Britain discussed two Irish Home Rule Bills, both of which ended in the collapse of the Gladstone government.

After Asquith became Prime Minister last year, in order to gain the support of Irish parliamentarians, he introduced the third autonomy bill to the British Parliament in April 1912. Under the Act, Ireland could establish a bicameral parliament, with the House of Lords appointed by the Crown and the House of Commons elected by electoral law. However, the parliament has no power to deal with foreign relations, collect taxes, dispose of land and manage the police and army. Executive power remained in the hands of the British Governor-General.

The bill was also opposed by the Conservatives. After many twists and turns, it was finally passed by the British House of Commons in the third reading, but it was still rejected by the House of Lords. According to the British law of 1911, any bill passed by the House of Commons after the third reading could be submitted to the king for signature despite the veto of the House of Lords. Under these circumstances, the Conservatives failed to thwart in Parliament and turned to cause trouble in Ireland. The Conservatives, led by A. Carlson, first instigated the Protestants in Northern Ireland to adopt the "Solemn Covenant" on 28 September 1912, threatening to use all necessary means to crush the present conspiracy to establish a Home Rule Assembly in Ireland.

This was followed by armed rebellion in the north, which caused a "constitutional crisis" in Britain. Asquith's government decided to send troops to quell the riots, but the officers refused and threatened to resign. After the Northern riots planned by the Tories, the Irish side also formed a volunteer army, and a national war was on the verge of breaking out.

So now the British Empire can't care about the assassination of the Austro-Hungarian crown prince.

As for France, the Cailliaud scandal is now the focus of national attention. The murder, considered one of the biggest scandals in the history of the French Third Republic, occurred on March 16, 1914, when Henriette Cailliaud, wife of Joseph Cailliaud, former French prime minister and then finance minister, shot and killed Gaston Calmet, editor-in-chief of Le Figaro.

The motive for Mrs. Cailliaud's murder was a series of physical attacks against her husband manipulated by Calmette. As a heavyweight in French politics at the time, Joseph Cailliaud's anti-war stance undoubtedly made him a thorn in the side of the right.

Calmette, the editor-in-chief of Le Figaro, France's most important right-wing publication, launched a lengthy attack on him in the newspaper. Beginning in November 1913, Calmet claimed in the newspapers that Cailliaud had obstructed justice in a financial scandal during his tenure as finance minister in 1911, and that Cailliaud had been too soft on Germany. Later, Calmette even broke with the unwritten principles of the Parisian press and turned his guns on Cailliaud's private life.

Calmette first made public the love letter that Cailliaud had written to his first wife 13 years earlier, and Cailliaud's duplicitous stance was laid bare in his confession to his lover: "The income tax is being implemented so that I have to oppose it on the surface. Calmette also threatened to continue to publish the love letters between Cailliaud and his second wife, Henriette. Since Cailliaud and Henriette both had other families during their relationship, this letter is undoubtedly evidence of adultery between the two, which is enough to show Cailliaud's moral deficiencies. In defense of his dignity, Cailliaud was bound to challenge Calmette to a duel.

But before that, Mrs. Cailliaud, who could not bear it anymore, visited Calmette on March 16. After being allowed into the latter's office, Madame Cailliaud pulled out her revolver that she had prepared and fired six shots in quick succession, killing Calmette instantly. Mrs. Cailliaud was arrested on the spot and confessed to the shooting.

Such a good opportunity was wasted, and at the same time, French President Poincaré and Prime Minister Viviani set sail for St. Petersburg aboard the battleship France in Dunkirk. They were aimed at consolidating the Franco-Russian alliance and at the same time discussing the Balkan question.

In the eyes of France, the Balkan question did not have much interest in them, and they wanted Russia to focus more on Germany, which was the main purpose of France's alliance with Russia, rather than on the Balkans and Austria-Hungary, and it was obvious that they were also dissatisfied with Russia's aggressive attitude in the Balkans.

After arriving in St. Petersburg on 20 July, French President Poincaré made the offer at a welcome dinner with Nicholas II. The Russo-French alliance was built on common interests, on fear of Germany. This alliance is supported by the army and navy, and each side has an eye on the other. He also promised the Tsar that His Majesty could trust France, and that France would engage in sincere long-term cooperation with Russia in the future, as it had done in the past.

However, the French president was not aware of Austria-Hungary's intentions, and Russia, through the interpretation of Austria-Hungary's telegram, knew that Vienna wanted to go to war with Serbia, which laid the groundwork for the future.

Later, the French delegation visited the city of St. Petersburg and observed the life of all classes of the Russian community. During the French delegation's last visit, Prime Minister Viviani, who is also Foreign Minister, ordered the French ambassador to write a communiqué summarizing the results of the summit.

Ambassador Paleo Logg drafted a short manuscript at the dinner table; The two governments exchanged their views and intentions to maintain the balance of power in Europe, and the views of the two countries were absolutely identical when it came to the Balkans. Viviani disagreed with the last phrase of the manuscript, pointing out that French and Russian interests in the Balkans were not absolutely identical.

Considering that it was only a matter of wording, Pareologue withdrew the original manuscript. He drew up another copy from scratch; The Franco-Russian alliance formed a completely unanimous view of many issues concerning peace in Europe, the balance of power, and even more so on the East (no one would doubt that this was referring to Serbia). Subsequently, the top leaders of both countries fully agreed with the tedious but suggestive communiqué.

At this point, France had given Russia assurances of the Alliance, completely unknowingly, and it was now up to Vienna to respond.