In these cases, some were arrested red-handed and, after interrogation, confessed to being a member of "some" political organization under the headquarters of the Nanjing regime's secret services. Pu Su's confession to Xu Enzuo also clearly reflects that No. 76 was involved in these assassinations and terrorist activities.

It's just that the experiences of these three people are a little different.

The second bombing of the Declarations took place in February 1940, after a previous attempt. The terrorists used a grenade with a wooden handle, which caused serious injuries, but fortunately did not cause deaths.

The third bombing was a strange and clumsy tactic. On March 6, a Chinese patrol officer from the Police Department of the Ministry of Industry found three wooden-handled grenades at the corner of Hankou Road and Shandong Road, carefully wrapped in newspapers.

It was later discovered that it was thrown by a Chinese on the roof next to No. 309 Hankou Road (where the "Declaration" Hall is located), and none of the grenades exploded.

Some speculate that they threw grenades there, possibly to intimidate the staff who came in and out of the newspaper office. Others believe it may have been in retaliation for the bombing of the pro-Wang pseudo-Ping Pao office a week ago.

Or perhaps it was because the Declaration published a sharp analysis of the local fiscal situation after the opening of the pseudo-Central Reserve Bank.

Whatever the real cause, the incident led to increased police patrols in the neighborhood. And on the same day, the patrols arrested a 21-year-old "thug" and former puppet police officer on the spot, who was about to throw a grenade at a newspaper office on the corner of Henan Road and Shandong Road. When the terrorist, Tian Liang, was caught, the pull tab of the grenade was still on his finger.

Tian Liang, who was a farmer before the police in Dangnan and Pudong, joined Chen's secret service headquarters a month ago. In Sunday's attempted bombing, he and two other co-conspirators were each given $20. And in Monday's attack, he received $50. These two operations were his first and final assignments to 76 Extreme Phil Road.

If the bombing of the "Declaration" pavilion did not work, the assassination campaign against it was quite effective. One of the most striking names on the blacklist is Jin Huating, the Chinese editor of Declaration.

At 4:30 a.m. on February 2, Jinhuating walked to a dance hall on Aidoya Road. A man dressed as his bodyguard approached him and fired three shots at him, one in the forehead, one in the abdomen and one in the right flank. Jin Huating immediately fell to the ground and died on the sidewalk.

The Assassin was a member of the headquarters of Wang Jingwei's government agents; And the people who killed Zhu Yugong and Cheng Zhenzhang, editors of the "Great Beauty Evening News", were also people from the pseudo-secret service headquarters.

Of course, kidnappings are more frequent. As of April 19, 15 Chinese journalists had been abducted by terrorists in Nanjing. Among them were the advertising manager of the newspaper and the editor of two prominent pro-Chongqing newspapers.

In addition to newspapers, the judges of the Shanghai First Special District District Court were originally appointed by the Chang Kaishen government.

Despite the efforts of the enemy and the hypocrites to discredit them, all these judges remained in fact loyal to the Nationalist Government after the wartime capital was moved to Chongqing. The most determined was Qian Hongye, who was the head of the Criminal Division of the District Court of the First District and was considered the only judge who dared to deal with political prisoners fairly in court.

At noon on July 29, 1939, Judge Qian was assassinated by an unknown gunman at the corner of Weihaiwei Road and Foch Road. Few people would not suspect that this is the masterpiece of 76 Extreme Race Road.

In September of the same year, "No. 76" sent a letter to the judges, court interpreters, and other officials of the District Court of the First Special District, signed "Kuomintang Anti-Red Party", which read in part

"There is no hope for China to fight Japan today. The withdrawal of troops from China by the British government showed that they had come to terms with the real situation in China. The U.S. Navy in Shanghai is powerless to act or do anything that benefits the Chinese people. Work with us to build peace in China and end this bloody war. We urge you to report to 76 Extreme Fil Road within a week, and you will be warmly welcomed. If you don't, then a third party will do you harm. ”

As a result of the threatening letter, the judges used the courthouse on North Zhejiang Road as a temporary residence.

In November 1939, France handed over the powers of the District Court of the Second District to the Nanking government, which gave the Nanking authorities a degree of control over the unfair industries in the French Concession. This also makes the judges of the District Court of the First District effectively dealing with the challenge of the puppet regime alone.

Enemy agents use a variety of tactics to make the work of the District Court of the First District impossible, threatening the lives of judges and other court officials and exerting pressure on all parties involved.

One thing that can be said about the situation of the District Court of the Second District, handed over by the French, and the recent trial sentenced a poor money changer owner to prison for refusing to accept Zhou Huhai's counterfeit banknotes.

On February 3, at 4:30 a.m., three Chinese people requisitioned a rental car in Hongkou. As the car drove past the civil courthouse on Weihaiwei Road, they threw three grenades, damaging the secretariat's office.

The taxi drove to the criminal court on North Zhejiang Road, where they threw more than three grenades, but only one exploded and the building was slightly damaged. The taxi sped towards Polar Field, where the three terrorists got out of the car.

As in the case of the War of the Newspapers, bomb attacks were less effective than attacks on individuals. On March 4, 1940, Dr. Xu Weizhen, President of the Second Branch of the Jiangsu High Court, was kidnapped by five armed men in front of his house on Hualong Road in the French Concession.

In mid-March, Judge Feng Shide's home was bombed by a grenade by four people. At the same time, the safety of the President of the District Court, the Presiding Judge, and the Procurator-General of the First District Court is threatened; On 22 March, two judges were kidnapped in an attempted abduction, where they were subjected to grenades and gunfire, but fortunately were not injured. During this period, even court clerks and secretaries can be arrested.

The offices of the District Court of the First Special Region began to be turned into dormitories, where all the judges and high-ranking officials lived. A British intelligence commented, "The supporters of Nanking, through their kidnappings, have exerted tremendous pressure on the judges of the Chinese courts in the Public Concession, and I am afraid they will not be able to resist for long." ”

Or, as Miller's Review put it, "This wave of atrocities against the appointment of judges in Chongqing was part of Japan's attempt to drive all the courts of Chongqing out of the public concession." ”

In addition to the struggle for the right of public opinion in the newspaper and the power of the courts to enforce the law, a large part of the War of Resistance against Japan was a financial war.

The struggle between banks and banks, especially between the Nationalist regime and the puppet regime of Wang, each fought fiercely to replace the currency of its rival with its own currency. In Shanghai, this competition took the form of armed struggle, taking the form of guerrilla warfare using the strategy of urban terror.

A few weeks earlier, the reporter had been the target of the assassin's bullets and bombs. Today, innocent bank clerks have been brutally massacred by gunmen hired in Nanking, or kidnapped by Japanese gendarmes and their puppet assistants.

They seek to dominate the local financial and banking sector through organized speculation, hoarding of daily necessities, taxation of local bank employees and, most recently, mass murder of bank employees and the bombing of their homes, with the aim of forcing them to submit to the control of political hooligans and their superiors.

Both sides are engaged in such terrorist activities. It is true that the first few killings of bank officials were the assassination of collaborators by agents sent from Chongqing. The most sensational bomb explosion was probably also carried out by agents of the Kuomintang military command, namely the attack on the Central Reserve Bank on the Bund on February 20.

It was Thursday, and at 10:30 a.m., six men dressed in Chinese caftan walked into the Central Reserve Bank on the Bund. One of them made his way to the manager's office on the second floor, but the appearance of an accountant startled him. He and the others drew their pistols and opened fire, then threw four homemade bombs, only two of which exploded.

The attackers hurriedly retreated to the main staircase, where a bank security guard tried to stop them, but they shot them dead, allowing the agents to escape.

The puppet regime authorities tried to take advantage of this brazen attack by Kuomintang agents on Wang's puppet central currency-issuing bank in broad daylight to obtain the greatest propaganda benefits. On February 25, Police Minister Li Shiqun made a declaration at No. 76 Jisfeier Road in Gangtu

"We must immediately stop the Chongqing agents from carrying out terrorist activities again. It is a "well-known" fact that Chongqing terrorists have carried out a large number of assassinations in the past two or three years. This kind of terrorist activity is "the most obscene means used in any political struggle", and it is an attempt to make a terrorist threat to the coexistence of international groups in Shanghai, making economic recovery and business prosperity impossible. ”

Referring to the bombing of the Central Reserve Bank, Li Shiqun said that there are still many banks in Shanghai that belong to the Chongqing regime, but the government has never tried to sabotage them. Many bankers and financiers now favour the Restoration government and the "peace movement," a trend that Lee hopes to encourage.

He added: "There are a lot of Chongqing agents in the city. We allow them to move freely, and we don't want to fight murder for murder. These Chongqing agents are still considered Chinese by us, as long as they love peace and obey the law. ”

"On the other hand, if the Chongqing agents continue to carry out terrorist activities, then they will be in trouble. He (Li Shiqun) will take responsibility for "public safety" and take swift action openly and quickly to restore peace and order. "As the Minister of Police, I don't want Shanghai to be in an atmosphere of terror."

Despite Li Shiqun's remarks, there was the attempted assassination of Fu Yongbing, an assistant to the Central Reserve Bank's general office, at noon on March 3, and the successful assassination of a senior manager of the bank by Chongqing agents on March 21.

With Lee Shi-chun's implicit warning, the Nationalist government had every reason to expect retaliation from its opponents, but it did not expect such a fierce reaction from Japan and its puppets.

On the night of 21 March, terrorists from the puppet regime threw grenades and bombs into three pro-Chongqing banks, while six gunmen dressed as police officers broke through the night guards and stormed the dormitory of the Jiangsu Peasants' Bank. The gunmen turned out the lights and began shooting indiscriminately at the people in the bed. Five bank employees were killed and more than six were seriously injured, all of whom were asleep in blood-soaked bedding.

Later in the night, in the early hours of Saturday, March 22 to be exact, a number of police cars drove up to the "Zhongxing Begye" located at 96 Shifeier Road, where pseudo-police officers in plainclothes and several Japanese military police dragged bank clerks and other employees out of their beds. At 3 o'clock in the morning, 128 people were taken to the horrible 76 Pole Phil Road and imprisoned.

The next day, March 23, the Minister of Police, Li Shiqun, confessed to the detention of 128 employees of the Bank of China. He said the police department was reluctant to retaliate against the "Chongqing terrorists," but their attacks intensified and the authorities in the two concessions failed to take any action. As a result, the police department had no choice but to order the arrest of bank employees in the city, which is controlled by Chongqing.

Li Shiqun said that the prisoners would be given all possible protection and comfort, and that "as soon as the Chongqing regime shows its intention to repent and peace and order in the area are established, they will be released...... If this warning is heeded, we will be forced to take similar measures against all the people in the financial sector that the Chongqing regime operates in Shanghai."

To reinforce Li's warning, terrorists in Nanjing launched a massive bomb attack on March 24. In the afternoon of the same day, a frantic employee of the Farmers Bank of China on Aiwenyi Road called the police department of the Ministry of Industry and said that someone had sent a package with a ticking sound inside.

Deputy Inspector Ewing rushed to the bank and carefully defused a bomb, which was fitted with both timing and contact detonating devices. At about the same time, at about 4 p.m., an explosion occurred at the Baike Road branch of the Central Bank of China. Explosives destroyed most of the second floor, killing one person and wounding 38 others.

Another explosion occurred outside the French Concession, where the Yiyuan office of the Central Bank of China was also blown up, killing seven people and injuring 21 others, mostly clerks and accountants.

On March 25, the Bank of Shanghai was open for business, but there was an unusual behind-the-scenes activity, and according to reliable sources, officials of the Chinese banks (except the Central Bank of China), including the government banks, signed an agreement with the representatives of the Nanjing regime, first, that the Chinese banks in Shanghai would no longer be harassed in compromise, and second, that the detained bank staff would be released.

China's bankers are hopeful that a successful arrangement will be made to allow Shanghai's financial activities to take place and avoid a general collapse. The Foreign Affairs Representative of the Nationalist Government, Dr. Duan Maolan, visited the U.S. Consul General for the first time to ask for more support from the administration of the Public Concession.

Dr. Duan said that without proper protection, the banks would have to be withdrawn, and the Nationalist Government's currency supply would be withdrawn with it. Rohead promised to convey his concerns to the U.S. government.

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