On January 23, 1869, when the news of the successful coup d'état in Urquiza Sul reached Rio Gran do Sul, Li Mingyuan immediately activated a prepared response plan, and on January 26, Rio Gran do Sul announced that Argentine troops had occupied the disputed area of the border for no reason, and that the Wehrmacht would launch an operation to regain the territory.

San Javier became a garrison of the Argentine army because of the discovery of iron ore seven years earlier, but the permanent population of the area was only 2,000 troops and more than 1,000 mine workers, and no permanent fortifications were built.

After the attack of the 2nd Mixed Brigade, all but the iron ore mines of San Javier were occupied in one day, and except for the more than 500 Argentine troops stationed outside the iron mines, all the remaining 1,500 soldiers and more than 1,000 workers were huddled in the fortifications of the iron ore factory area to resist the attack of the Wehrmacht soldiers.

After two failed exploratory attacks, the commander of the 2nd Mixed Brigade abandoned the assault and concentrated eight scattered 105mm howitzers to bombard the entrance to the mine.

The artillery roared incessantly, and after half an hour, the artillery units broke through a fortress blocking the entrance with shells of three bases, and then a battalion of assault troops immediately attacked from the breach, defeating the Argentine troops who were trying to reorganize their positions, seizing a march for the follow-up troops.

The blockhouses and fortifications they relied on were breached, and the Argentine troops in the iron ore field soon lost confidence in continuing to resist, and under the all-out attack of the Wehrmacht soldiers and the slogan of surrender, more than 1,000 Argentine soldiers and miners quickly laid down their arms and surrendered, and the battle of San Javier ended in ten hours.

After the complete takeover of the San Javier iron ore field, the troops of the 2nd Mixed Brigade stopped advancing and temporarily stationed in the iron ore mine for protection duties.

Li Mingyuan immediately sent representatives to negotiate with the Argentines and offered 300 square kilometers of land west of San Pedro in exchange for 200 square kilometers of San Javier.

The Wehrmacht entered the war at an abrupt time, resulting in the battle ending before the Argentine troops could reach San Javier.

The seizure of the iron ore mine by the Wehrmacht in San Javi and the seizure of the province of Antrerios by Urquiza, as well as the external provocation by Paraguay, Argentine Presidents Sarmiento and Mitre were forced to agree to the land exchange terms of the Wehrmacht in order to stabilize the situation in Argentina.

The exchange between the two places took place in secret, and after receiving a response from the Argentine side, Li Mingyuan withdrew the defenders in the west bank area of San Pedro on 30 January and handed them over to Ferner's troops.

The exchange agreement was reached in a short period of time, and in addition to the fear of Mitre and others making too many enemies, the supportive attitude of Urquiza and Fellner also played an important role.

The Chinese forces intervened in the war, and the worst situation for the Argentine side was the loss of part of the territory, which would not cause direct harm to their rule, while Ferner, especially Urquiza, returned to power, and their opposition was the greatest danger to the Mitre and the two.

If the two insisted on going to war with Rio Gran do Sul, no matter what the war ended, it would create conditions for Urquiza to seize power, so in the face of the two choices of territorial transactions that did not suffer losses on the surface, and the Chinese stubbornly and maintaining their own rule, Mitre and Sarmiento chose the latter rationally.

Immediately after the territorial exchange, Argentina announced the recovery of 300 square kilometers of San Pedro land, while San Javier was vaguely disregarded.

The territorial deal quickly disappeared from public opinion due to the deliberate downplay of the Argentine side, and the war with Paraguay occupied the main attention of the Argentines.

After seeing his letter, López Jr. saw his letter, saying that the king's mind to reform the system quickly took root in his heart, and Istigali's letter was first circulated to several major generals in Paraguay, and then government officials and ordinary soldiers also got the news of changing the state system, and the implementation of the monarchy became the hottest news on the streets of Asunción in just one week, and ordinary people and grassroots officials were discussing the pros and cons of implementing the monarchy and expressing their opinions.

What happened in Asunción was clearly a public opinion propaganda made by López Jr. to reform his claim to be king, first creating a phenomenon of popular support for a constitutional monarchy in the country, and then using the news of the victory at the front to pave the way for his own kingship.

While Asunción was discussing a constitutional monarchy, groups of scattered troops were secretly assembling together, and then while everyone was attracted by the lively situation in Asunción, López Jr. met with more than 30 senior military and political officials at the presidential palace.

"The constitutional monarchy is the mainstream political system in all countries today, and I want to change to the monarchy not for personal wealth, but for the long-term interests of Paraguay.

They naturally listened to the discussion about the monarchy in the streets and alleys, and the handwritten letter of Istigali a few days ago, and the Paraguayan generals who were doing it had also seen it in person, but the first two actions may have a tentative meaning, and today López Jr. called everyone together to force them to make a clear statement.

"Bolivia, Peru, and Argentina have learned from the Americans to practice a republican system, and the result is that the country is full of warlords, large and small, and the election of the president of the country is not based on civilian votes, but which warlord has the most power and troops, and which warlord comes to power.

In the past 40 years, except for Brazil and our country, there have been no large-scale rebellions, Peru, Bolivia, and even Argentina, which is fighting with our army for the province of Misiones, which country has not experienced a political earthquake every few years, the president of the country has changed frequently, the long-term plan for national development has not been continuously implemented, and the national strength has been stagnant at the level of the past.

So I don't think the republican system is at all suitable for the current South American continent, and I support the abolition of the republic and the king of the president. ”

Napoleon III succeeded in ascending to the throne as Emperor of France in the presidency of France, and now France has not experienced a crushing defeat in the Franco-Prussian War, and the outwardly powerful France is a veritable European power.

France changed from a republic to a monarchy, and France under the rule of Napoleon III was strong, and its comprehensive strength could be comparable to that of Britain.

A real mirror is placed in front of the Paraguayan generals, and it is not difficult for them to make a choice.

Except for Istigali, who could not get out of the front line, the generals who controlled the main forces of Paraguay were all in the hall, and they all made it clear that they supported the coronation of López Jr. as king of Paraguay.

Six government officials attended the meeting convened by López Jr. as representatives, and they considered the problem more comprehensively than the generals, Paraguay has always been a republic since independence, the common people are accustomed to republican life, and the sudden introduction of a monarchy can lead to chaos in the country.

The civilian officials' worries that López Jr. took into account that changing the system would cause dissatisfaction among a group of vested interests, but he didn't care, as long as Paraguay under the leadership of Tara could always win the victory, the people at the bottom of the army would fully support him, and those old stubborns would not be relentless if they did not know the times, and would decisively send troops to suppress them, distribute their land wealth to their cronies, and create a new aristocratic group to support him.

The presidential meeting was more of a formality, with all but two officials raising concerns about López Jr.'s decision.

At the end of the meeting, López Jr. assigned a few cronies and generals to stay in Asunción, and he led more than a dozen cronies to meet quietly with 5,000 troops, and then reinforce Istigali.