In Tibet itself, although the conditions for large-scale "land reform and return to the stream" are not yet in place, Guan Zhuofan did not let it go. The controversy between Rezhen and Xiazha, as well as the Bedan Tondrup Rebellion that spawned from this political dispute, brought a God-sent opportunity, and he wanted to use this as an excuse to reform the Tibetan bureaucratic system and lay a powerful wedge for the future comprehensive "reform of the land and return to the stream."

The imperial court issued an edict, saying that Rezhen was mediocre, but Xia Zha was even more bastard, "unauthorized sword soldiers, attacking and killing each other, blinding Shangcong, and acting wildly", "to Qi Bei Dan Dunzhu Rebellion". By the way, the Zhan Zheng rebellion was also tossed out by this Bedan Dunzhu, and from the beginning of the original theory, you Xia Zha broke into any disaster!

The edict said that in order to set an example and deprive Xia of his title before his death and his posthumous reputation, Xia Zha's entire family was kicked out of the ranks of the nobles.

Xia Za is wronged.

Saying that he "used swords and soldiers without permission, and attacked and killed each other" is not wronged against him. At that time, the minister in Tibet, Manqing, although he was deceived by Xia Zha and Li Yupu, sent a note and reprimanded Rezhen, but did not approve Xia Zha to use force to attack Rezhen. However, the regent of Xia Zha was officially appointed by the imperial court at the request of Manqing. "Unauthorized use of sword soldiers, self-attack and killing" in the front, taking Rezhen's regent and replacing it in the rear, it is equivalent to the imperial court acquiescing in his "unauthorized use of sword soldiers, self-attack and killing", how can things be changed, it has become Xia Zha's crime?

Hmph, that's because you "blinded Shangcong", and the court made the wrong appointment.

With the sentence "blinding Shangcong", the court took its responsibilities cleanly, and Xia Zha carried all the woks.

The real purpose of punishing Xia Zha is not to "learn from the pain": this, there are obviously ministers stationed in Tibet and the Dalai Lama. Why are the people down there still so self-conscious? Or even mischief?

It is logical to conclude that there are major problems with the current bureaucratic system in Tibet!

The current official system in Tibet. It is a theocratic system, in which the Dalai Lama is on high and is both a religious leader and the head of government. The specific government affairs are carried out by the Kashag government in accordance with the Dalai Lama's orders. The Kashag government has set up four Kalons, one monk and three laymen, who are nominally equal, but the monk Kalun is the chief Kalon. The actual power is greater than that of the three Kalons.

The Dalai Lama's succession, the implementation of the "reincarnation of the spirit child" system, from the childhood "bed" to the adult "pro-government", often more than 10 years of "window period", during this period, choose a monk from a large monastery, as the "regent", above the Kashag government, in place of the Dalai Lama. Regent is a non-permanent title. As soon as the Dalai Lama took office, the regent abdicated.

Tibet did not practice this theocratic system from the beginning.

During the reign of Heshute in Tibet. All administrative power was in the hands of the Mongols, and the Dalai Lama could only manage religious affairs; The Dzungars attacked and killed Razang Khan and replaced him with Heshut, but the situation remained the same: the Mongols controlled all administrative power, and the Dalai Lama was confined to a corner of the religious affairs.

The imperial army entered Tibet, expelled the Dzungaria, set up a minister in Tibet, and began to formally exercise administrative power over Tibet. Subsequently, the Qing court mainly relied on the "meritorious Tibetans" in the war to govern Tibet, and the representative figure was Po Luo Nai. This person stood out in the battle of expulsion, jumped from a small tax collector to a "first-class Taiji", and then all the way to the mountain Beizi, Beile, Dorobelle, and rose to the top, and finally became the king of the county, taking over the local power in Tibet.

During this period, the Dalai Lama could only manage religious affairs and could not meddle in political affairs. In order to prevent the Dalai Lama from interfering in Tibetan politics, the imperial court also sent the Dalai Lama's father to Beijing, gave him the title of "Auxiliary State Prince", and asked him to stay in Beijing and return to Tibet without incident.

During his reign, there was nothing to do in Tibet, and the people lived and worked in peace and contentment for 20 years.

After his death, the imperial court, in accordance with his last wishes, allowed his second son, Zhurmat Namzal, to become the prince of the county and continue to be the prime minister of Tibetan politics.

Now the trouble is coming.

After coming to power, Zhurmat Namzal -- a really awkward name -- did something wrong, first killing his brother and nephew, provoking the Dalai Lama, then establishing his own name, blocking the Tangxin in Beijing and Tibet, and finally simply running to hook up with Dzungar -- his father made his fortune by beating Dzungar back then.

After receiving the promise of Dzungaria to send troops to support, Zhurmat Namzal decided to turn against the imperial court, and he arranged troops and horses, intending to slaughter the guest troops and civilians below the minister stationed in Tibet.

At the critical moment, Fu Qing, the minister stationed in Tibet, lured Zhurmat Namzhal to the office of the minister in Tibet and cut off his head with a knife.

Zhurmat Namzal's subordinates clamed for arson and besieged the office of the Minister in Tibet, Fu Qing and his deputy Labdun, all of whom were martyred.

Although Fu Qing and Labdun died righteously, the rebels were leaderless, and they were soon suppressed by the imperial court, without causing a great chaos in Tibet.

Afterwards, Gaozong summed up the lessons and held that a certain Tibetan could no longer be given the power to rule the whole of Tibet, otherwise, the emperor of Tibet would be far away, and as time went by, no matter who he was, he would be arrogant and uncontrollable, and he would be rebellious.

Well, so what to do?

Well, let the Dalai Lama come out.

Gaozong's calculation was that nominally, the supreme administrative power would be handed over to the Dalai Lama, but the actual administrative affairs would be handled by the Kashag government below, so that the Dalai Lama did not directly control the administrative power. As for the Kashag government, there is only the right to do things, not the final decision, the four Kalons, one monk and three laymen, are equal to each other, and the power of each Kalun is limited, and the story of Zhurmat Namzal can never be repeated again.

In the 16th year of Qianlong, the "Regulations on the Aftermath of Tibet" was promulgated, and the Dalai Lama was authorized to participate in politics for the first time.

It should be said that Gaozong's design is quite exquisite, and even has a bit of a "hypocrisy" meaning in later generations. For a long time, Tibet was indeed unable to stand out from the imperial court in Beijing.

However, the side effects of this system are also very large.

First, although there has been no major turmoil in Tibet, the political situation has been turbulent for a long time.

The regent and the Kashag, the Kalun and the Kalun, no one obeys the other, intrigues, fights for power and profit, stumbles, and fights black guns, until they tear their faces and fight hard.

The dispute between Rezhen and Xia Zha is a good example.

The status of the four Kalons is equal, and it is easy to understand that they are not convinced by each other, so why do the regents and the Kashags also stare at each other? This is because, before the regent took office, he was the "khenpo" of a certain great monastery -- that is, the presiding officer, and he had no administrative experience, but the Kalun of the Kashag government was proficient in all administrative affairs, and it was inevitable that he would look down on the regent of the new official. Since you despise us, you will not be convinced: yesterday you were still under us, and today you climbed above us, five people and six, why?

The Dalai Lama's "window period" from "sitting on the bed of a spiritual child" to "becoming an adult pro-government" is very long, and there is enough time for the regent and the Kashag to come and go, and you fight for me, and the political situation in the whole of Tibet will be shaking endlessly.

The victims are not only the political situation in Tibet, but also the Dalai Lama himself.

Whether it is the regent or the Kalon, the power has been held for a long time, and when it is handed over, it is not so happy.

The Ninth Dalai Lama died at the age of eleven and did not live to be in power.

The 10th Dalai Lama died in the fourth year of his reign at the age of 22.

The 11th Dalai Lama died at the age of 18.

These Dalai Lamas have died in vain.

The 12th Dalai Lama is now six years old, what will be his future fate?

Do the math, since the "Discretionary Regulations for the Aftermath of Tibet," the regency of the 7th Dalai Lama to the 11th Dalai Lama has been in power for a much longer period than the time when the Dalai Lama was in power himself.

The political situation is unstable, and it is naturally not a good thing for Tibet or the imperial court, but for the imperial court, at a certain level, it can also get some kind of benefit from this chaos: the upper echelons of Tibet are patronizing the struggle for power and profit, and they have no time to use the brains of the imperial court.

Divide and conquer.

However, the second side effect of the "Regulations on the Aftermath of Tibet" is definitely not a good thing for the imperial court.

When the Dalai Lama came to power, the political pattern of separation of church and state in Tibet was completely broken, the religious power swelled rapidly, and Tibet's political system soon became theococically integrated.

The four Kalons, one monk and three laymen, are nominally equal, but the Sangha Kalun, as the representative of the Yellow Monastic Group, ranks first and is the chief Kalon, and the actual power and influence surpasses that of the three lay Kalons.

The regent with a higher status than Kalun came 100% from the great monks of the Yellow Monastery.

The "Khenpo" of the "three major monasteries in Lhasa" -- Drepung Monastery, Ganden Monastery, and Sera Monastery -- routinely attended enlarged meetings of the Kashag government, directly participated in political affairs, and heard about the great plans. It can be said that the "khenpo" of these three monasteries can be regarded as the "supernumerary Kalon" of the Kashag government, and the ideas and will of the monastic groups can be directly realized and implemented through this means.

The "three major monasteries" all have a large area of direct territory, and the "Khenpo" can directly send officials of all levels to the area under their jurisdiction, and the power is equal to that of the officials sent by the Kashag government.

Not only that, the law clearly stipulates that in the event of a dispute between the temple and the people, the temple shall take care of itself; Cases adjudicated by temples and cases adjudicated by the government have the same legal effect.

That is, the temple has "extraterritoriality" that overrides and overrides the government.

In addition, many local government officials are actually monks, or have obtained monk citizenship, or graduated from monk schools.

Many of the senior monks of the Huangjiao monasteries are "suspended" or hold honorary positions in the government.

Not to mention, the Dalai Lama's status in the hearts of Tibetans has grown day by day until he is indistinguishable from a deity.

At that time, the imperial court was not fully aware of the harmfulness of the integration of church and state, and the use of Tantra to rule Tibet and Mongolia was originally a national policy, and the Qing Dynasty's royal family itself was also closely related to Tantra. Not to mention the general worship of Buddha in the harem, even the emperor has many people who have a deep relationship with Tantra.

Sejong believed in Buddhism, and Gaozong had his own "guru", in fact, this "guru" named Changgyalo Bi Dorjee was an important behind-the-scenes promoter of Gaozong's permission for the Dalai Lama to participate in politics.

However, the harmfulness of theocracy comes from Guan Zhuofan in the 21st century, and it is clear.

Well, in the face of the current situation of the Tibetan bureaucracy, how should I proceed to reform?

*(To be continued......)