Jochen is not against Marxism-Leninism, nor is he against communist countries. In his previous life, as a good young man who grew up under the red flag, he was also full of love for the republic, and he also longed for the Soviet Union in the heyday of the 70-80s of the 20th century. Ah, of course, everyone in the USSR after the 80s is good.

Unfortunately, Jochen is not a "progressive" proletariat, but a "degenerate" bourgeoisie and a "decadent" feudal aristocracy. As the saying goes, "the butt determines the head, and the position determines the mind". As the crown prince of the Second German Reich, Jochen naturally did not want the history of the November Revolution in Germany to repeat itself in Germany. Moreover, the situation in Germany was different from that of Tsarist Russia, whose geographical location determined that the exhausted countries after the Great War could not really extinguish the flames of the proletarian revolution. As a defeated country in Central Europe, the proletarian revolution was doomed to have no chance of success.

And the historical November Revolution in Germany not only did not save Germany, but completely destroyed it. When Tsarist Russia withdrew from the war in 1917, Lenin signed the humiliating Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in order to concentrate on fighting the civil war, ceding large areas of territory, and the Germans could finally concentrate on the Western Front. In March 1918, the Germans had about 30 divisions more than the British and French forces on the Western Front, and launched an overwhelming offensive in 192 divisions like the last big gamble, and after crushing the superior British 5th Army, they advanced to an area 60 kilometers from Paris, and the whole of France was shaken in the wind and rain. The attack caused the entire Entente to bemoan the imminent victory of the Germans, and the British began to formally consider whether an armistice and peace talks should be made. It can be said that this is the last chance for Germany to have a decent peace.

However, the turmoil in Germany has completely wiped out this qiē. The offensive that had taken the last of Germany's reserves was the culmination, by which time Germany's industrial production had fallen to 57% of its 1913 level, and the war's overemphasis on the military industry at the expense of agriculture and the standard of living of the people had led to discontent, capitulation, chaos, and political turmoil in Germany.

It is undeniable that it was indeed the short-sightedness and oppression of the Junker aristocratic officer corps that prompted the German people to revolt, and it was the general war jointly created by Hindenburg and Ludendorff that began to frantically oppress the German people. But the revolution of the Social Democrats and the betrayal of the country and the complete destruction of Germany. The November Revolution in Germany completely destroyed the seemingly stable political situation in Germany, Friedrich Ebert and the Social Democrats led by Friedrich Ebert forced Wilhelm II to abdicate, and the Junker military forces led by Hindenburg were involved in domestic political struggles. And then the Social Democrats naively believed that as long as Germany laid down its arms, Britain and France would give the Germans a decent peace, and even handed over the almost intact high seas fleet to the British in exchange. And there is no realization at all that the high seas fleet is the last card to contain the British from sharpening their knives at this time. Whatever their purpose, to save the suffering German nation? A war to end evil? Or is it for the glory of the great proletariat? But however noble the purpose, the Treaty of Versailles nailed these people to the pillar of shame, and the Second German Reich became the only country in the world where its armies surrendered while still fighting on enemy soil. It also marked 20 years of heavy suffering in Germany, and the Germans who gave their faith to the devil in order to get rid of this suffering were then ushered in by a bloody apocalypse.

Jochen could not allow such a repetition of history, and the Junker aristocracy, the officer corps, and the Social Democrats were all targets that Jochen had to suppress if he wanted Germany to survive the First World War. And this general strike, Jochen saw as an excellent opportunity to implement some of his own plans. On the one hand, the purpose of improving people's living standards is to increase the circulation of commodities and increase the development of the market, and on the other hand, it is to win over and divide the forces of the Social Democratic Party. The general strike is a crisis, but a crisis is both a danger and an opportunity. How to use it is for Jochen to do it.

To this end, Jochen commemorated the strike and reminded all sectors of the German community to pay attention to the demands of the working class, and made 1 May a holiday for workers. A series of measures such as the 8-hour work system, flexible wages, performance wages, and minimum wages that were first started in state-owned enterprises began trial operation. Eventually, it evolved into national regulations such as the Labor Protection Act and the Fair Labor Standards Act, which stipulate the minimum hourly wage standard; Employers and trade unions in private enterprises negotiate collective contracts to determine wages in their own enterprises; The Imperial Government and its subordinate units were to draw up a uniform wage scale with reference to the standards of private enterprises, and a series of other safeguard measures.

But this is not enough, and material security alone is not enough to unite all the workers. It is imperative to seize the commanding heights of public opinion and put forward entirely new political proposals to divide the Social Democratic Party. At Jochen's behew, the Imperial Propaganda Agency began to analyze and report in detail on the course of the general strike and the government's response, affirming the workers' demands on the one hand, and opposing the destruction of the country by the strikes on the other. and a detailed analysis of the benefits to the working class of every decision made by the imperial government. On the other hand, Yohengtong Guò's own channels led some imperial newspapers to classify the capitalists who overexploited the workers as "rotten and degenerate feudal remnants", while the capitalists who supported the improvement of workers' salaries became "class friends who were closely related to the workers".

This kind of propaganda is quite good, after all, the idea of the workers is very simple: the capitalists who give us a wage increase and raise the standard of living are good people, and working for them we can live better with our own industrious hands. And the capitalists, who excessively squeeze our sweat, are naturally class enemies. Under this trend of thought, the reform of the labor security system in Jochen also became smooth.

Jochen combined nationalism, collectivism, Lassallianism, and Marxist revisionism (also known as Bernsteinism) to develop a new political idea, which Jochen called National Socialism. In fact, this kind of political thinking has already begun to appear in Bismarck's policy policy, on the one hand, suppressing the political demands of the Social Democratic Party, and on the other hand, providing a good social security system, this carrot and stick strategy has begun to reflect the signs of national socialism. However, Bismarck's high-pressure policy and the fact that he did not form a truly perfect political policy were not accepted. What Jochen brought out at this time was a political ideology with a fully inflammatory nature. Of course, unlike the historical mustachioed National Socialist Workers' Party, Jochen's National Socialism did not advocate war or nationalism, but emphasized nationalism.

Tong guò nationalism advocates the consciousness of the state, establishes the ideological guidance of serving the state, increases the state's control and guidance over the market economy, and avoids the dangers that may be caused by the capitalist free economy; Collectivism advocates the subordination of the individual to society and the subordination of individual interests to the interests of the group, nation, class, and state; Tongguò Lassallianism advocates the peaceful and legal political means of the proletariat to gain power, and opposes the proletariat in a violent struggle; Marxist revisionism preached that communism could not be realized, because the development of society, the great goal of "communism" was different in each historical era, and the material civilization that people possessed and enjoyed was constantly progressing, which was the result of the continuous development of the productive forces of human society. And to add to it the idea of centralization. In this way, the most suitable political theory for Germany and the most suitable for extraordinary times has been created.

And this seemingly fairly political theory, which is neither partial to capitalism nor conniving at the proletariat, has a fairly high audience in Germany. Jochen is not worried about a strong backlash from capitalist forces. Because German capitalism itself is very different from Anglo-American liberal capitalism, German capitalism has evolved to the highest stage of monopoly capitalism - imperialist capitalism in the shortest possible time.

In Jochen's previous life, the dominant school of economic history in German economics believed that the economic progress of a society was closely linked to its political system. However, there was no essential contradiction between the economic managers and the industrialists in the German Imperial government, and it is commendable that public opinion was not opposed to state intervention and economic monopolies. German industrialists are convinced that for a country like Germany, which is not rich in resources, it must not allow the principles of a market economy of free competition to waste its resources. The large industrial groups and the banking industry combined with the principle of "collective self-help" to form a new monopoly economy unique to Germany -- the cartel and the conzene.

Within 10 years of the empire's founding, the various cartels became the central organization that controlled the economic lifeblood of the entire empire. In 1896, Germany had 260 cartels in various industries, and in 1911 there were more than 550. Rhine-Westphalian coal swept more than 100 companies, controlling 95% of the Ruhr's coal production and half of Germany's production. Krupp had a monopoly on arms, Farben controlled the chemical industry, Siemens and the Electric Company controlled the electrical industry, and the North German steamship and the Hamburg-America steamship divided up shipping. By the beginning of the 20th century, 586 mega-corporations were powered by one-third of Germany's electricity and steam; And the 3-player company, which accounts for only 0.9% of the number of German companies, uses up to 75% of the total number of companies in Germany! In 1907, 8.46 million industrial workers in Germany worked for monopolies. Therefore, in the world market, Germany does not rely on a single enterprise to fight alone, but participates in the competition as a "nation-state".

And Jochen's National Socialism was just what these people wanted. With the support of Germany's most powerful economic power, it was not difficult to implement National Socialism thoroughly.