Wang Jingwei also worked with Chen Bijun, Zhou Fohai, Tao Xisheng and others to study and draw up a specific action plan for leaving Chongqing.

It was envisaged that after fleeing Chongqing, the Japanese Prime Minister Konoe issued a statement, and then Wang Ching-wei issued a statement in response, announcing the severance of relations with Chiang Kai-shek.

After echoing Japan, the Yunnan army first came forward to electrify the whole country:

In response to Wang Jingwei's statement, he declared anti-Chiang independence.

Then, the Sichuan army also responded by establishing independent governments in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces, forming a new army, and then asking the Japanese government to "assist" and withdraw part of the army.

Next, the provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi were expanded into the territory of the new government, and a "peace movement" was launched in the southwestern and remote provinces to cut off the possibility of the anti-Japanese government receiving foreign aid through the Guangxi-Vietnam border and the Yunnan-Burma border.

Wang Jingwei was going to leave Chongqing for Kunming, which made Dai Li smell that Wang Jingwei was about to escape, Dai Li was as anxious as an ant on a hot pot, but there was nothing he could do.

After thinking about it, on the night of the 7th, Dai Li came to Chen Lifu's mansion and decided to report the seriousness of the situation to Chen Lifu.

"Minister Chen, Wang Jingwei plans to go to Kunming to give a speech, I'm afraid there will be a cat in it." Dai Li said.

"What's the problem?" Chen Lifu glanced at Dai Li and asked.

"According to the information sent back from Shanghai, Gao Zongwu and Mei Siping have reached a secret agreement with Kenji Dohihara, and I am worried that Wang Jingwei will take the opportunity to flee." Dai replied.

Hearing Dai Li's words, Chen Lifu was silent, his brows furrowed, he was thinking about Dai Li's words and weighing the pros and cons.

"After all, Wang Zhaoming is the vice president, he has the freedom to act, and in the absence of definite evidence, we have no reason to stop his actions, and this matter must be reported to the chairman of the committee." Chen Lifu thought for a while and said.

"I sent a telegram to the chairman of the committee yesterday, but there has been no reply from the chairman so far, and tomorrow will be the 8th, what should I do?" Dai Li asked Chen Lifu for his opinion.

"Let it be." Chen Lifu said.

Seeing Chen Lifu's attitude, Dai Li had no choice but to get up and say goodbye.

In fact, Dai Li's worries were unnecessary, and the next day, December 8, Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Chongqing, and Wang Jingwei had to change his plans.

On December 9, Chiang Kai-shek gathered Wang Jingwei, Kong Xiangxi, Ye Chuling, Wang Chonghui, Zhu Jiahua and others at his official residence in Huangshan, Chongqing, to talk.

After the conversation began, Wang Jingwei insisted on making peace with Japan, saying:

"At present, both China and Japan are in difficulty, and China's difficulty lies in how to support the war, and Japan's difficulty lies in how to end the war.

But Chiang Kai-shek's speech meant exactly the opposite of Wang Jingwei:

"As long as our government does not make peace with the Japanese, even if our government fails, the country will surely be revived, and there is no reason for the government to fail, and the revolutionary government aims to succeed, and is not afraid of temporary failure."

At the same time, Chiang Kai-shek also put forward a plan to seek the Communist Party to join the Kuomintang and merge the two parties into one big party to jointly fight against Japan.

Wang Jingwei objected vehemently, and the conversation eventually broke up.

On December 18, Chiang Kai-shek flew to Shaanxi to attend a military conference, and Wang Jingwei flew to Kunming with his wife Chen Bijun, secretary Zeng Zhongming, daughter Wang Wenyu and fiancé He Wenjie in the name of going out to give a speech.

Before leaving Chongqing, Wang Jingwei left a letter to Chiang Kai-shek, pouring out that the road to "main peace" was far more difficult than the "main battle".

After Wang Jingwei arrived in Kunming, Long Yun, chairman of the Yunnan Provincial Government, led officials from various departments and bureaus of the province and city to greet him, followed by rows of students and citizens in the middle of the road to welcome him.

That night, Wang Jingwei had a cordial conversation with Long Yun, and Wang Jingwei told Long Yun in detail about his plans for the peace movement.

"Chairman Long, as soon as I arrived in Hanoi, I immediately put forward a proposal to negotiate peace with Japan, and then you issued a telegram in support, and then the powerful factions in Sichuan, Southwest, and Liangguang will also take action one after another to urge Chiang Kai-shek's Chongqing government to negotiate peace."

"Good! I very much agree with President Wang's proposal for this peace movement, and when the time comes, I will certainly act according to your plan. After hearing this, Long Yun agreed.

The next day, Wang Jingwei and his wife, Zhou Fohai, Tao Xisheng, Zeng Zhongming, and a group of more than 10 people left Kunming on a special plane chartered by Long Yun and flew to Hanoi, a French colony in Vietnam, taking the first step in the peace movement.

Then, on December 22, the Japanese Konoe Cabinet issued its third statement on China:

"The Japanese Government has repeatedly stated this year that it has decided to consistently sweep away the anti-Japanese Nationalist Government by force. At the same time, we will work with people with insight who share China's concerns and move forward to build a new order in East Asia......"

If the Konoe Cabinet does not claim territory, does not demand reparations, returns foreign concessions, and revocation of extraterritoriality, it may resonate with the Chinese if it is issued in the spirit of the Shigemitsu talks.

However, Konoe's statement went so far as to completely forget the most important agreement on the withdrawal of troops, and Japan deceived Wang Jingwei, and the future of the peace movement has already appeared in the dark.

……

On the day that the Konoe Cabinet issued its third statement on China, the Japanese Cabinet set up a special agency responsible for handling the invasion of China, the Koya-in, was established.

The Koyain was headed by Prime Minister Fumima Konoe, and the foreign ministers, land ministers, Tibetan ministers, and sea ministers concurrently served as vice presidents, and the first department was established to govern politics and the second department to govern economy.

At the same time, Xingya Institute has also set up liaison committees and branches in Beiping, Shanghai, Qingdao, Hankou, Guangzhou, Xiamen and other places in China.

On the same day, Ryuichi Hiraoka announced the establishment of the Institute of Greater East Asian Culture in Shanghai, which is affiliated with the Koya Institute and is responsible for the politics and culture of Shanghai as a branch of the Koya Institute in Shanghai.

It was only at this time that Feng Chen suddenly realized that it was only this day that Hiraoka Ryu was waiting.

After the opening ceremony of the Institute of Greater East Asian Culture, Ryuichi Hiraoka called Feng Chen to an office on the second floor of the institute alone, and the two sat down on the sofa.

"Feng Sang, the Institute of East Asian Culture and the Compilation Bureau are all part of the Shanghai Xingya Academy, and the institution has just been established, we must show some achievements, and we can't let the people in the military department underestimate us."

"Teacher, I have an idea, let's take advantage of the establishment of the Xingya Academy and the Institute of Greater East Asian Culture today, and organize a secret operation in the evening to copy all the anti-Japanese and anti-Japanese newspapers and magazines in the concession!" Feng Chen said the meeting gift that had been planned a long time ago.

"Oh? Sure? Hiraoka Ryuichi was shocked, straightened up and asked.

"Yes, I have figured out the addresses and operation methods of the newspapers and magazines run by the military commanders, the Central Command, the Shanghai Kuomintang party headquarters, and the underground organs of the Communist Party, so let's give them a surprise attack tonight!" Feng Chen replied with confidence.

"As long as you are sure, do you need the cooperation of the gendarmes at night?" Ryuichi Hiraoka looked excited.

"No, just let Ishikawa-kun bring his people to participate, and then we will set up a temporary interrogation room here, with Yoshida-kun, Matsuo-kun, and Miss Inoue Sakurako in charge of interrogating the captured editors, and Shoji Aida in charge of confiscating and destroying the distribution equipment."

Feng Chen said the specific plan of action.

"I think this plan is very feasible, and in order to prevent the news of the operation from leaking, I suggest that we be here in the evening, first convene a meeting of all the personnel in the Institute of Greater East Asian Culture, and then announce the action plan for tonight at the meeting." Hiraoka Ryuichi looked at Feng Chen with an appreciative gaze and said.

"Okay, I'll listen to the teacher." Feng Chen agreed.

After discussing the actions of the night and separating from Ryuichi Hiraoka, when he returned to the happy alley on Hankou Road, Feng Chen's face did not have the excitement he had just now.

Feng Chen felt a faint pain in his heart, starting from tonight, he was going to appear in front of the public with the face of a traitor, and from then on he would be the enemy of those anti-war fighters.

Camouflage comes at a price!

Camouflage comes at a cost!

Feng Chen's mood suddenly became extremely low, and he regretted very much that he had chosen to disguise himself and choose to be an undercover agent.