The Navy has a tough attitude!

Contrary to the wait-and-see attitude of the army's upper echelons, the navy immediately decided to resolutely suppress the coup d'état due to the attacks on three admirals, Kantaro Suzuki, Keisuke Okada, and Minoru Saito. Pen, fun, and www.biquge.info

The chief of the Navy's Command Department, King Fushimi Miyahiro Gong, summoned his staff on the same day and clearly explained the attitude of the repression.

At 12 noon on the 26th, Takahashi Miyoshi, commander of the Combined Fleet, issued an order to the fleet that was conducting exercises in Tosaoki to enter Tokyo Bay and the Second Fleet to enter Osaka Bay.

Vice Takeshi Toyoda, who was the director of the Navy Military Affairs Bureau at the time, roared: "If the army doesn't mean this, let us Navy do it!" ”。

A high-pressure faucet was placed in front of the office building of the Navy Province, just in case.

The Marine Corps was instructed to strengthen the vigilance of the Navy's shore facilities, including the office buildings of the Navy's leadership organs and the private residences of retired senior generals.

In addition, the navy planned to bring the emperor to the ship to avoid being held hostage by army rebels.

On the afternoon of the 26th, the 1st Mine Brigade of Mitsumasa Yonechi, commander of the Yokosuka Town Guard, sent the Marines ashore via Shibaura, piled up sandbag fortifications, and put on a posture of preparing for battle.

For the entire day of the 27th, Emperor Hirohito spent the whole day in anxiety.

At this time, the Navy's First Fleet, led by the flagship battleship "Nagato", sailed into Tokyo Bay, and each ship aimed its guns at the rebel positions on land.

The "Nagato" was aimed at the National Assembly building occupied by the rebels, and the commander of the Ninth Detachment, Captain Nagamitsu, who was in charge of measuring the target, carefully measured with a rangefinder that the distance from the "Nagato" to the National Assembly Building was 19,000 meters.

Then, the Second Fleet under the command of Takayoshi Kato, also led by the flagship cruiser "Atago", arrived at Osaka Bay at about 9 a.m. on the 27th and began to implement vigilance.

Although the navy had already moved its fleet into Tokyo Bay, the army was still slow to move.

The Emperor is furious!

The angry emperor summoned Honjo Shigeru several times and asked, "Has the crusade force set off?" ”

"Did you turn in the fire?"

Honjo replied vaguely, "Because the residents have not yet evacuated ......"

Before Honjo finished speaking, the Emperor shouted, "If the Minister of War is unable to do anything, I will personally lead the Guards Division to quell the rebellion!" Hurry up and get ready! ”

Emperor Hirohito's anxiety was not unreasonable, for he had just learned that Prince Yoshihito Chichibu, who was the commander of the Eighth Division of Hirosaki, had left for Tokyo by train.

It is an open secret that Chichibu Palace had always been in close contact with the officers of the Imperial Sect, and that it was ideologically inclined to the ideas of the Imperial Sect, and therefore opposed the Emperor.

After the rebellion, the rebels have openly declared: "Chichibu Palace is our chief".

If Prince Yoshihito Chichibu sides with the rebels, the situation will be even more difficult to control.

In the history of Japan, there have been many usurpations by the emperor's younger brothers, for example, Emperor Suisu, the successor of Emperor Jimmu, who killed his brother and stood on his own.

In order to prevent this terrible situation, the Imperial Household Ministry sent Hiraizumi Chun, a well-known right-wing history professor at the University of Tokyo and who had lectured on "The Political History of Japan" to Chichibu Palace for two years, to intercept Prince Yonghito.

At the Minakami Station on the Joetsu Line, Hiraizumi Sumito boarded the train on which Prince Yonghito was riding, and along the way he explained the situation in detail to Prince Yonghito of Chichibu Palace and begged Prince Yonghito of Chichibu Palace not to act rashly.

Prince Yongren of Chichibu Gong listened with a solemn expression and did not say a word.

When the train arrived at Ueno Station in Tokyo, Prince Yoshihito Chichibu was "escorted" by a large number of military and police officers and was taken into the Imperial Palace, completely isolated from the rebels.

Seeing this situation, Prince Yoshihito of Chichibu Palace had no choice but to pay homage to Emperor Hirohito's brother that night and made a pledge to obey the emperor.

On the 28th, at the repeated urging of the emperor, the hesitant military headquarters finally made up its mind to suppress it.

With the Emperor's approval, the Army Under-Chief of Staff Sugiyama Motomo issued a "Confessional Order" instructing the martial law commander to promptly order the officers and subordinates occupying Miyake Saka to evacuate the scene and return to their subordinate units.

The order was then officially communicated to the 1st Division.

The Martial Law Command decided to complete preparations for the repression on the 29th and began a crusade against the rebels.

The troops that participated in the suppression of the coup d'état included 7,000 men each of the Guards Division and the 1st Division, and 6,000 troops from the 2nd and 14th Divisions were transferred from Sendai and Utsunomiya, for a total of nearly 24,000 men.

On the morning of the 29th, two army generals, Araki and Mazaki, in order to avoid armed suppression of the rebel troops, went to the martial law headquarters to negotiate, but when they refused, Ishihara Wanji, a staff officer of the martial law troops, drove the two generals out of the headquarters.

After the departure of the two army generals, Araki and Mazaki, Commander Kashii once again proposed that "the Imperial Army should attack each other," but Deputy Chief of Staff Sugiyama firmly disagreed, demanding that the attack must be carried out by force in accordance with the Emperor's edict.

Tanks on the streets of Tokyo, equipped with loudspeakers, kept broadcasting the "Letter to Officers and Soldiers" read by Nakamura, a famous announcer of NHK.

The statement, issued by the Martial Law Command, said: "It is not too late to return to the recovery team; Those who resist are all traitors, and they don't matter if they are shot; Your parents and brothers are weeping that you have become national thieves. ”

At the same time, planes circled over the coup troops and dropped leaflets entitled "Letter to Officers and Soldiers" to persuade them to return to their barracks.

By this time, the rebels had held out for 3 days in the harsh winter, exhausted and demoralized.

Most of the soldiers, after hearing the radio and picking up leaflets, broke away from the rebels and returned to their original units.

The officers who instigated the rebellion saw that the tide was turning, and they did not stop it.

The officers, who were then arrested by martial law forces, were taken to the Army Ministry compound for detention.

The rebel officers were imprisoned by Okamura Ninji, an officer of the Unification faction.

Expecting and expecting the rebel officers to commit suicide, he had asked the nurses of the First Garrison Hospital to prepare disinfectant and absorbent cotton, as well as more than 30 coffins.

But the rebel officers refused to commit suicide, wanting to "expose the warlord's conspiracy" through a public trial.

The army leaders, drawing lessons from the public trial of the Aizawa case, conducted a military trial against the mastermind of the coup d'état, and the trial process was not open, there was no defense lawyer, and the verdict was final in the first instance.

As the 226 Incident directly threatened Emperor Hirohito's right to rule, the handling of the rebel officers was unusually harsh.

After that, the Judge Advocate General's Council sentenced 17 officers, including Isobe and Koda, who had played a leading role in the coup, to death.

What people did not expect was that there was no mention of murder in the verdict, and the only basis for the sentence was that the officers had committed the crime of using the Imperial Army without the emperor's approval.

Kita Ichiki and Nishida, who supported the rebellion behind the scenes, and Saburo Aizawa, who had previously slashed Nagata, were also executed, and the rest of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers were exempted from punishment because they simply obeyed the orders of their superiors.

The severity of the punishment of the coup soldiers this time far exceeded that of previous treatments, and it was obvious that there was an intention to completely eradicate the influence of the Imperial Road faction and Kita Ikki.

At the top of the military department, under the auspices of Shouichi Terauchi, the unification faction also took the opportunity to carry out a large-scale personnel "purge."

Araki, Mazaki, and Kawashima were relieved of active duty, and all officers who tended to the idea of the imperial school were purged from the core of the army.

At this point, the Japanese reunification faction thoroughly grasped the real power of the army and established absolute control over the army.

Ironically, the goals pursued by the Imperial Party in the coup d'état, such as the dictatorship of the military ministry and the formation of a new cabinet of the state government with Hirota Hiroki as prime minister, and the adoption of fascism, were achieved after the failure of the coup.

This was not only because the ruling faction, which also belonged to the fascist faction, firmly held the power of the military department, but also because the cabinet was also controlled by the civilian fascist clique headed by the new prime minister, Hiroki Hirota.

The Japanese Army, which prides itself on being the "mainstay of the imperial state", finally dragged Japan into disaster.

Ryuichi Hiraoka, who returned to Japan from Shanghai, happened to be absent from Tokyo at the time of the coup d'état, and he escaped the catastrophe.

After the mutiny was suppressed, when the rebel officers were interrogated, it was discovered that as a key member of the ruling faction, Hiraoka Ryuichi was also on the blacklist of rebel assassinations.

On the afternoon of March 5, 1936, Hirota Hiroki paid a visit to the emperor and accepted the order to form a cabinet and advocate a tough attitude towards China.

Since then, the Japanese fascist right-wing forces have continued to expand in the Japanese Army, and their aggressive ambitions have also grown day by day.