Ligachev wanted to recoup the treasury with money from the Moscow state ministries, but it was not so easy. Within a few days, the grievance documents of various ministries and commissions flew like snowflakes to the desks of the General Office of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Ligachev didn't need to look at it to know what these people were thinking, but the heads of these ministries and commissions also took it for granted, and without the support of Comrade Gorbachev, how could Ligachev take it upon himself to calculate the small coffers of these ministries and commissions.

Ligachev was right, and it didn't take long for Gorbachev to send all the letters that were sent to him. Gorbachev didn't even read these letters, and after a while, Gorbachev's special telephone line went directly to Lijiachev's office.

"Comrade Ligachev, do not be intimidated by temporary difficulties, there is always a trade-off in perestroika. I hope you can resist the pressure and carry out the cause of state financial reform......" Gorbachev's tone on the phone was very resolute, and he firmly sided with Ligachev in his speech. If Seryosha had known Gorbachev's current attitude, he would have been surprised.

Why did the General Secretary, who had always supported Seryosha, suddenly join forces with Ligachev? In the final analysis, it was forced by the huge financial holes caused by Chernobyl. In fact, when it comes to the relationship between Ligachev and Gorbachev, both were reused during the Andropov era, and during the Chernenko era, the two also joined hands against those high-ranking "old men" in the party. Ligachev and Gorbachev had many like-minded points, but when Yakovlev was placed in the secretary's office to take charge of ideology, Ligachev and Gorbachev inevitably faced a rupture.

As a staunch member of the CPSU, Ligachev was in charge of party affairs for a long time when he was working at the local level, and he never thought that the road to Soviet socialism pioneered by Lenin and Stalin would be problematic. Ligachev was instinctively resistant and wary of the West, he rarely traveled abroad, and was full of opinions that "right-leaning elements" like Yakovlev could infiltrate the top leadership of the Soviet Union.

But neither Ligachev nor Gorbachev, and even Yakovlev were deeply concerned about the difficulties facing the economy of the Soviet Union. Ligachev always believed that reform should continue as Secretary Andropov and Secretary Chernenko did when they were alive, while Yakovlev lived in Canada for ten years, and he was very envious of this country with a lot of land and resources but no ambitions, Canada is a typical welfare society, although he does not have much say in international affairs, but his people live a happy life. Yakovlev believed that the Soviet Union should not take on too many responsibilities that had no national interest, such as leading the socialist camp against the West and the arms race with the United States, which, in Yakovlev's view, did not contribute to improving the quality of life of the people.

Gorbachev gave Ligachev a shot in the arm over the phone, and Ligachev's heart felt a trace of warmth, the last time the two said this was when Chernenko was alive, when someone ran to Chernenko's hospital bed to say Gorbachev's slander, and it happened that Ligachev knew about it, and Ligachev took the initiative to call and remind Gorbachev to report to the general secretary on time. At that time, neither of them would have imagined that there would be such a big difference in political views in the future.

"Secretary, how do we reply to the official letters sent by these ministries?" Ligachev's secretary found an opportunity and cautiously asked.

"You tell them that this matter was decided by the central government, and they understand that it must be implemented, and if they don't understand, they must implement it! And not only to implement, but also to implement it scrupulously in accordance with the requirements of the Secretariat. Before the end of the month, I want to see all departments hand over the accounts of these enterprises under them to the State Planning and Economic Commission, and if anyone does not hand them over, I will dismiss them! Ligachev said categorically that this matter has received rare support from Secretary Gorbachev, and Ligachev has long wanted to manage these ministries and commissions that use their power to make a fortune.

When Seryosha received a reply from the Secretariat of the Central Committee, he angrily tore the letter to shreds. In his reply, Ligachev not only asked him to hand over the Mediterranean Trading Company to the Central Committee, but also demanded that he hand over the management of the Soviet Foreign Trade Bank to the Soviet State Planning and Economic Commission. This is the rhythm of completely hollowing out the Ministry of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation.

Seryosha will not compromise with Lijiachev under any circumstances, the Mediterranean Trading Company controls the important task of exporting enterprises under other ministries and commissions, and the Soviet Foreign Trade Bank is an important tool for Seryosha and these ministries to share the spoils, where does Ligachev get the self-confidence to take away the power in his hands.

"Yulia, prepare the car, I'm going to the Kremlin!" Seryosha picked up the phone and said to Yulia that because Nastya was sent to London to take charge of the work of the Foreign Trade Bank in the UK, Seryosha temporarily brought Yulia, who was quite fond of her, back to Moscow as his secretary. Yulia is naturally full of expectations for being able to work in the state ministry in Moscow, as for his business in Ukraine, Yulia is not worried, as long as Yulia can still hold Seryosha's thigh, he will not shoot his partner of the video chain company and swallow her profits.

After receiving Seryosha's instructions, Yulia immediately contacted the driver to prepare for departure. Along the way, Seryosha kept writing and drawing in his notebook with a pen and paper, and he was thinking for a while how to convince Gorbachev to get Ligachev to take back his fate.

The car slowly circled Red Square and drove through the heavily guarded side gate into the inner city of the Kremlin. Seryosha's car stopped near the last cordon. The guards first gave a military salute, and then politely asked Seryosha to show his ID.

"What's going on lately? Why did the inspection suddenly become so strict? Yulia wasn't here for the first time, and he asked the guards curiously.

"I don't know, we did this according to the requirements of the staff around the general secretary, the secretariat said that the general secretary has been working too much recently, in order to arrange time for the general secretary to rest well, they asked every visitor who came to visit the general secretary to wait here for arrangement!" The guard patiently explained.

"I'm sorry, the general secretary is receiving foreign guests, I'm afraid he won't be able to see you today!" While Yulia was talking to the guards, a major officer came out of the room, saluted Seryosha, and said with a slight apology.