Section 252 Russia is equally vulnerable
Slept during the day. It's late, add a change. By the way, the monthly ticket is more than 70 years old, and it will be more than 100 pounds.
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But Kutuzov soon began to worry.
Pozzo di Borgo, a close confidant of the Tsar, said that Napoleon would be overthrown at the touch of his finger in Paris, and he was trying to politically attack Napoleon, who could not be defeated militarily, and this was not the case for Russia.
Russia's backward political system has long been full of contradictions, and the Chinese are now doing the same, and the Chinese seem to be better at playing this method than Westerners.
Kutuzov received news that in the cities controlled by the Chinese army, Speransky set up city councils, executive yuan and other government agencies, invited a group of nobles, merchants and even commoners who were not loyal to the tsar into the government, and used the civil examination system to select officials, a large number of literati responded to Speransky's call to build a civilized Russia, and actually gave them control of the city.
Speransky divided Russian citizens into three categories, nobles, middle-ranking people, and laborers; Those of medium status included merchants, artisans, farmers, and small business owners with some assets; Laborers included serfs, servants, and apprentices.
Three corresponding rights are provided: citizenship in general; special citizenship rights, such as exemption from all forms of servitude; and political rights limited by property qualifications. The nobility had all the rights; Intermediate persons enjoy general citizenship rights, and if their property meets certain requirements, they also have corresponding political rights; Workers enjoy general civil rights and do not have the right to participate in politics because they do not have sufficient property.
Administrative districts are divided into four levels: township, county, province and country. Each level has a legislative assembly or Duma, and the national legislature is called the State Duma; the second is the court system, in which the Senate is the Supreme Court; The third is the administrative committees at all levels, including ministries and central executive organs at the central level.
The Urals are a frontier region, and because of trade, the cities here are inhabited not by nobles but by the merchant class, and there are no nobles in Siberia. Serfdom was still widespread in the Urals, and there was not even serfdom in Siberia.
As a result, a group of small businessmen took control of the government institutions, and the countryside was controlled by serfs.
And the reforms were not limited to the Urals, Siberia was carried out more thoroughly.
Most of the permanent inhabitants of Siberia were neither prisoners nor forced colonists, but peasants who voluntarily emigrated there to escape the bondage of creditors, military service, religious persecution and, above all, serfdom.
Serfdom, which developed and spread in Europe and Russia in the 16th and 17th centuries, never took root in Siberia, because serfdom developed mainly to meet the needs of those nobles who were indispensable for the functioning of the state. However, the nobility did not migrate to Siberia, which did not possess an attraction comparable to Moscow and St. Petersburg.
Siberia avoided the aristocracy and, consequently, serfdom.
Although the government decree stipulated that escaped serfs should be returned to their masters. But the local authorities in Siberia often sheltered fugitives because of the need for labor, so in Siberia there was a different system, which was openly implemented in the Russian legal system, but behind the scenes there were all kinds of unspoken rules, and now Speransky has regulated everything.
When effective administration was restored, all other kinds of order would be restored with it, and Speransky used prisoners and routs to form police forces, which were stationed in villages and towns to maintain his rule. To ensure that his policies are implemented, a liberal still needs to use coercion to fulfill his ideas, unspeakably ironic.
Zhou Lang asked the army to cooperate, although the army felt that this was dangerous, and giving Speransky control of the police might give them the power to resist. But Zhou Lang insisted that he did not need anything from Russia, not even Russian stability. The Chinese army could be withdrawn at any time, giving Speransky the ability to resist, and maybe there would be a civil war in Russia.
But Speransky himself met with resistance, and when his policy was extended to the countryside, he was met with resistance from the serfs, because Speransky tried to introduce private ownership of land, so that he could tax the land, but the peasants did not want to divide the land and did not want to pay taxes. Therefore, the collective prevented Speransky from sending people to measure their land, and their land had its own internal set of non-allocations. The communes themselves arranged, some according to the family, some according to the size of the labour, in any case there was a set of natural customary laws that determined this, and Speransky's desire to introduce a capitalist system of property had a blow to these customary laws.
Speransky wanted to enforce it through his own police, but it backfired and left the serfs armed themselves. The Russian countryside was organized, and these communes were not ornaments, but were the only organizations among the court serfs and state serfs who were not ruled by the landlords, and the supply of soldiers to the state, the collection of taxes, etc., were carried out through the communes. The Commune was able to organize itself and naturally rally the serfs to resist the police.
The liberal Speransky was not a cold-blooded politician after all, and in the face of confrontation he chose to compromise and concentrate his reforms mainly in the cities. The most pressing issue was the tax system, which was not an area of concern to him, but the government he had formed was difficult to support the Chinese army, because of financial constraints, and relying on parliamentarians to raise their own donations was not an option.
He made many attempts, such as selling mining permits, and Yekaterinburg was developed on the basis of a metallurgical workshop established under Peter the Great, as the Urals were rich in minerals, most of which were controlled by the government. However, these mining permits could not be sold, and some private traders would rather pay taxes on time than buy seemingly more cost-effective permits at one time.
Speransky understands that this is still a disapproval of the new government, but he is confident that everyone will accept his ideas, because the new system will bring more freedom to everyone, let alone shackles.
Speransky was not a utopian, he was not a scholar with no administrative experience, he was the best civil servant around the tsar, and he was very administrative. Therefore, the institutions he established will consider feasibility, and before withdrawing from the policy, they will also consider operability, rather than issuing empty documents.
He even established a bank to try to maintain a certain reserve fund instead of issuing paper money indiscriminately, in fact he opposed the Tsar's indiscriminate issuance of paper money, but Napoleon's blockade made the Tsar run a deficit for many years, and he had to do so.
Speransky's bank, guaranteeing the receipt, soon facilitated trade. Especially Kyakhta trade. The Kyakhta trade was not interrupted, because the main Russian goods, furs, came from Siberia.
In the past, trade could not be expanded, not because of Russia's insufficient demand for Chinese goods, Russia relied on geographical location, a large number of re-exports, in fact, there is no sales problem, the quality of tea transported by land is always better than that of sea transportation, and Russia's caravan tea is a high-end brand in Europe.
However, the Tsar forbade the loss of silver, which led to how many furs Russian merchants could sell to the Chinese in order to buy as many goods. But fur could not always be exchanged for more goods, so even if Zhou Lang relaxed the restrictions on the use of silver by Chinese merchants, silver began to circulate in Kyakhta trade, but it only played the role of currency, and could not expand trade at all. Because the Russians sold the silver from the furs, they purchased other goods from the Jin merchants.
After the annual trade volume expanded from 5 million taels to 8 million taels, it basically stagnated, because China's annual demand for furs was more than 10 million taels, and the fur suppliers were the United States, and the American trade volume was not lower than that of Russia.
In the past, in order to buy more goods from China, Russian merchants tried their best, they could not export silver, so they began to export Russian silver products in disguise, once the number of silver candlesticks exported from Russia to China surged, not that the Chinese liked Russian silver handicrafts, purely as silver. Most are direct melt casting.
Now Speransky's bank has loosened restrictions on the export of silver, opened a branch in Kyakhta, the Russians took paper money to buy goods from Chinese merchants, and the Chinese merchants took the bank to exchange it for silver, circulation was not a problem immediately, the scale of trade expanded rapidly, and the tax revenue received by Speransky began to increase significantly.
But this kind of benign operation takes time, and Speransky doesn't have that much time.
As the Tsar's reinforcements began to return home and new armies were being built, a decisive battle between Russia and China was expected at any time.
By the summer of 1814, the Russian army had largely withdrawn from Europe, and 300,000 Russian troops had gathered in Ufa and Perm, with 150,000 still on the way.
Kutuzov hoped that the tsar would use superior forces to exert pressure and negotiate with the Chinese.
But Alexander, who had just reigned in Europe and was courted by countless noblewomen in Paris, felt that this was an insult to his dignity, and that he needed to reward peace to the Chinese after an absolute victory, so that these barbarians from the East could see the power of Russian warriors.
But his brave Russian warriors, stubble after stubble, fell in front of the Chinese camp, the Chinese were too cowardly, they had to block all the garrisons, along the river from the Urals, five kilometers to set up a fortress, the kind of fragile-looking civil fortress, although vulnerable, but they could hold it with a small number of soldiers for a while, waiting for their army to support.
These fortresses made it impossible for the tsar to try to cut off the back road of the absolute side.
This made the Tsar very unhappy with Kutuzov's tactics of clearing the wall, even though the same tactics had defeated Napoleon.
But who said that Kutuzov was not aggrieved, Napoleon rushed to war from Paris to Moscow, who knew that the Chinese did not move from Nanjing to the Urals.
To organize resistance forces to harass in Siberia, although the lines of communication in Siberia did not reach the level of ten miles and one fort, but the administrative system of Siberia was established, there was Speransky the traitor, the political and economic stability of Siberia, and there was no aristocracy to organize serfs, it was unrealistic to count on individual peasants to revolt, and the Cossacks who lived in groups were either destroyed earlier, or were busy with business, and now they could not take care of their tsars.
As a result, Russia's supplies were affected, because Moscow was 2,000 kilometers from the Ural Mountains, and the Russians were also fighting from a distance. And there were no cities and fortresses to rest, all the time in the field.
Under these circumstances, the tsar was forced to accept Kutuzov's proposal for negotiations. But the Chinese did not accept negotiations.