The reason why the tsar supported the return of the nobility to the countryside was that as the tsar took control of Russia, many of the great nobles who had been exiled abroad returned to Russia.

They returned, but their property was divided among the serfs by Speransky, and their power was abolished by Speransky. But these people were closer to the Tsar, and they roamed the Tsar's court every day.

The tsar also made a lot of moves during this time, while he let his teacher Zhukovsky stabilize the cabinet, but he continued to move in the middle and high-level, removing senior officials in important provinces and regions such as Petersburg and Moscow, the tsar has this power, because in the Russian context, the concept of senior officials is the provincial governor, the meaning of supervision, is the official sent by the tsar to the local area to exercise power. In this sense, he was the same as the Viceroy sent by the Queen of England to India, and the Viceroy sent by the Russian Tsar to the Kingdom of Poland.

These representatives of the Tsar rushed to the local governors were none other than the great nobles of the past, who were not without administrative experience, on the contrary, they were all big bureaucrats in the Tsarist era. In the past, the civil service in Russia was mainly composed of aristocrats, and many of them were military aristocrats, who went directly to civilian work after retirement. Therefore, after the nobles can be allowed to retire, the more family backgrounds they have, the easier it is for officers who can find positions in the government for themselves to retire. The term of service of those low-level officers has not been shortened, but even extended, because after they retire, they have nothing to do.

After the removal of the governors of important places, the tsar probably felt that he basically controlled the power in Russia, and the flattery of these nobles, as well as the co-optation of foreign consuls, made the tsar change his mentality a little and become less cautious.

But more importantly, during Bismarck's expedition to the Urals, the greatest shadow hung over the Tsar's head, Speransky, who died of illness in the Tsarskaya village of St. Petersburg, and his death was variously reported, some said that he died of illness and some said that he was poisoned.

Anyway, no matter how he died, the tsar couldn't say clearly, because someone who wants to believe that the death of a person like Speransky is certainly not normal.

As soon as the ministers died, the tsar became even more unscrupulous, because the government office was full of officials left behind by Speransky, so that the tsar was always uneasy, and he trusted the nobles more, but the nobles told the tsar that the nobles without land and property were nobles.

And they cite all kinds of examples, the abolition of serfdom in all parts of the world is not as cruel as Russia, which completely relies on the aristocracy that exploits the social conscience to reform serfdom, Prussia reformed serfdom, and the territories belonging to the nobility need to be redeemed by serfs, and Britain directly handed over their share of land to the nobles and drove the serfs to the city to do hard labor.

The aristocrats held the right to speak, influenced public opinion in the newspapers, and repeatedly told the tsar that the aristocracy did not want to regain feudal power from the peasants, but only wanted to get back their undisputed property, which belonged to them. Moreover, the nobles who had become governors in various places reported that the Russian peasants were simple and reasonable, that they had no problem with the return of the noble lands, and that everything was the cruel rule of Speransky, and even the peasants suffered from it. They cited many examples of the dissatisfaction of the peasants with Speransky, and also organized hundreds of peasants to go to Moscow to petition the tsar.

The political work was done to such an extent that the fluttering Tsar, whether he was deceived by the aristocratic clique or too naïve, could not withstand the persuasion of the nobles and signed a decree to return the property of the nobility to the landlords. The tsar really believed that they returned the property of the landlords on the basis of fully guaranteeing the interests of the peasants. What he did was only to correct the mistakes of the past, and he had no intention of opposing the reform of serfdom.

The bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie cultivated by Speransky were too immature, full of cowardice and compromise. The tsar made this mistake, and this bureaucracy and the bourgeoisie were half to blame.

They had only grown up for five years, and it was impossible to expect them to be as mature, but they were faced with the feudal aristocracy, which had been active in Russian politics for hundreds of years, so they were completely defeated in public opinion and politics.

When the Tsar declared that the legislative process that had passed through the parliament in the past must now be taken into possession of the Tsar, they did not dare to resist, and the bourgeois parliament in Speransky's time was just a situational body with only a raised hand; The bureaucracy did not dare to object, and the officials selected from the middle class, who were helpless and fearful in the face of the counterattack of the old aristocracy, did not raise any objection when the tsar changed the governors of the provinces.

Now the old aristocracy is finally going to reclaim their land.

A large number of aristocratic families, in huge convoys of passengers, with their servants and butlers, returned to their former estates with great fanfare. Most of the estates were not actually owned by the peasants, and in the old days in the Russian countryside, the landlords' estates and the serf villages were often separated, not too far apart, but not together.

The landlords managed the serfs, they had their own estates and also occupied the most fertile land. But the village community also had land, which was distributed among the serfs, who had to help the landlord plough the land and plant the landlord's land before they could cultivate their own land. The serfs farmed their own land to support themselves, and they also worked for the landlords, who did not have to pay any wages, and such a good system continued from generation to generation in the Russian countryside.

Since the village community was not with the landlord's estate, after the landlord's land was divided, many of the landlord's manor were abandoned, or were occupied by the village community tyrants as horse pens and cattle pens, and some were occupied by rich peasants, who followed the example of the lords of the past and used to rule the countryside.

Now the landlords had returned, and with a document signed by the tsarist government, angrily demanded that the kulaks move out of their houses, and that the former serfs should drive away the filthy cattle and sheep and livestock, and let their servants clean the houses.

They showed the village elders their documents informing them that their land was now back to its rightful owner.

Unorganized peasants, in the face of domineering landlords, are generally the housekeepers of the landlords' families.

The peasants in many places once again regained the feeling of being serfs, not only honestly leaving the landlord's mansion, but even bringing the villagers to help clean up the house under the orders of the landlord, they trembled and frightened.

But there was always a part of the people who were willing to resist, and often among the first to resist were not good people in the ordinary sense of the word, but a group of kulaks, a group of kulaks who had been armed in the time of Speransky, who used the power of their arms to oppress other peasants, who had become powerful in the village community, and who were now the first to resist, and who turned into heroes.

The areas where the resistance was most fierce happened to be the central black soil belt, the most developed agricultural economy in Ukraine, and the countryside close to the transportation and commercial centers. Because in history, the degree of rural economy here is higher, the landlords for greater economic interests, in order to export more grain, will reduce the embezzlement of the peasants' share of land, more of the land into their private land, some places, even the peasants' share of land is completely deprived, only for the landlord to work, only get rations, what should the peasants do if they need money, allow them to go to the city to work and earn money, allowing them to go to the city is a gift from the landlord to them, so that they can not serve the landlord, Therefore, it is reasonable for the peasants to compensate the landlords for a service payment, so the peasants also have to pay the landlords a service rent.

Now the landlords in these places have also returned, and if the peasants are really taken away by them, they really have nothing, and in recent years, because these areas are close to the economic center, the peasants here are also richer, and the grain they grow is convenient to enter the market, and when they are slack, it is easier to go to the city to work and earn money, and after they are no longer serfs, they have obtained a lot of income, and now all this is being deprived by the landlords, how can they not resist?

Moreover, the number of kulaks in these rich areas was even greater, and perhaps half of a village was made up of kulaks, and they could be regarded as the current Russian middle class, so they refused to hand over their land to the nobles, and their elders, who were also armed kulaks of kulak origin, not only refused to recognize the legitimacy of the documents presented by the nobles, but also forced the landlords away with guns, and in many places there were even violent conflicts.

Bismarck was extremely concerned about this, the Prussian revolution ended last year, and it has been quiet for most of this year, and it is clear that the turmoil of the revolution has passed; The Austrians had already suppressed the Hungarian Revolution, and with the exception of Hungary and Bohemia, all other peoples even supported the Habsburgs, and their internal stability had been stabilized. and twice defeated the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia, and the two sides had recently reached an agreement to maintain the status quo.

Prussia and Austria have stabilized one after another, and if a civil war breaks out in Russia, it will be a great opportunity for the two countries to send troops to recover Poland, which has been stolen by Russia.

Bismarck anxiously awaited the Tsar's next move, and Bismarck judged that spontaneous resistance had now formed a trend everywhere, and that once the Tsar announced the use of troops to suppress it, a civil war would break out throughout the country.

Eventually, some active representatives of the bourgeoisie began to act in parliament, making speeches in parliament, arguing that the legal documents issued by the tsar bypassing the parliament were invalid, and raising calls for a constitutional restraint on the tsar's powers. Some activists were circulating in the motions, calling for more radical reforms, and some radicals even called for the abolition of tsarist rule.

A large number of different voices began to appear in public opinion, which woke up the Tsar, who suddenly realized that things were not as simple as the nobles had said.

The tsar summoned a number of deputies to parliament, and although it was impossible to agree with the idea of these people to restrain the tsar's power, he learned something more real. The peasants were generally opposed to the return of land to the landlords, and if it continued, it would inevitably lead to civil war.

Alexander II was not a fool, it was impossible for a fool to abolish serfdom in history, and he actually supported the reform of serfdom, he just wanted to make some adjustments, not to weaken the aristocracy, after all, the aristocracy was the basis of his rule, and he needed to rebalance the power of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie.

Unfortunately, with the opposition of the peasants, it seems impossible to get the landlords to regain control of the countryside.

In order to avoid the expansion of the civil war, the Tsar urgently announced the repeal of the previous law on the restitution of the nobility, and the return of the landlords' property did not include any land that had been divided among the peasants, regardless of whether it was the land of the village community or the estate of the landlord.

But the tsar also announced that the landlords could keep their castles and residences in the countryside, and even reclaim some fixed assets such as factories and mills that were confirmed to be their past establishments.

The conflict quickly subsided, although there were still sporadic resistances, such as some of the rogue rich peasants who occupied the landlord's mill, who refused to return it, and even those scoundrels who "Lao Tzu just occupied your house" just refused to pay it back, but most of them still chose to back down, and the peasants who used the landlord's manor or castle as cattle and sheep pens gave up these houses, and most of the people who used the houses as their own chose to move out.

For those who were stubborn, the army was not used, and a small number of local police officers were mobilized to solve the problem. The draconian laws established by Speransky have not been repealed, and the practice of exile in the Arctic Circle is still in force.

The civil war in Russia did not break out, much to Bismarck's great disappointment.

As Russia became calmer, Bismarck also began to turn his attention to Germany's internal affairs.

He was still just a small diplomat, but his origin, family culture, and personal ambitions made him unwilling to live a peaceful life.

He noticed that, for the first time in history, there was a cry for unification among the German people, and finally they elected the King of Prussia as Emperor of Germany.