When the dust was about to settle on the war in the Fergana Basin, Qian Qianyi, the first assistant of the Ming Dynasty, finally made up his mind about the incident of Zuo Shunmen's letter.

As the leader of the New Donglin Party, Qian Qianyi's words and deeds not only affect himself, but also affect the political tendency of the entire New Donglin Party. Since Emperor Chongzhen lifted the ban on the party, officials in the Ming Dynasty have not been afraid to show their political tendencies and smear themselves with party colors.

The open political philosophy of the party and the list of party members also make these political parties have no secrets for Chongzhen. As for the leaders of political parties, although they can expand their personal power through party organizations, they are also more worried about being involved in the crimes of forming a party for personal gain and conspiring against the emperor, so the management of party members is stricter than before the ban on the party.

Of course, the power of the leader of the political party has been strengthened, but because of the liberalization policy of joining and leaving the party, if a political party wants to survive, the leader has to make a certain degree of concession to the party members to ensure that the political ideas of the party members can be reflected in the actions and decisions of the party, and the actions of the leader are also subject to the constraints of the party.

After Qian Qianyi took over the power to deal with the Zuo Shunmen Shangshu incident in front of the emperor, it immediately caused an uproar within the New Donglin Party. Although since the emperor opened the ban on the party, many political parties and associations have sprung up in the capital and other places, but there are actually only four that are truly influential and can intervene in court and local government affairs: the Scientific Progressive Party, the New Donglin Party, the Youth Society, and the Restoration Society.

Among them, the political influence of the Fushe is completely incomparable with the first three, and it can only be regarded as a local literary society in the southern region. With Chongzhen's support, the Scientific Progressive Party has always been the largest political party in the DPRK and China, and its main cadres are officials from the Ministry of Industry, the Ministry of Officials, the Prime Minister's Yamen, the Army General Staff, and the Navy General Staff Headquarters.

It's just that since the death of Xu Guangqi, the Scientific Progressive Party has not been able to elect a party leader who has been unanimously recognized by the whole party, and is now divided into small groups headed by Wen Tiren, Sun Yuanhua, Wu Chunfu, etc., which has caused the momentum of the Scientific Progressive Party to decline a lot.

On the side of the new Donglin Party, since Qian Qianyi formed a cabinet twice, this political party born from the Donglin Party and the traditional gentry class has shown a thriving momentum. Qian Qianyi is generous and has the character of a so-called bad person, so the new Donglin Party is much more united than the previous Donglin Party.

However, this does not mean that there are no factions within the New Donglin Party, Qian Qianyi's most relied on disciple Qu Shiyun is a faction, Qi Biaojia and Liu Siqian of the New Donglin Party in the DPRK are a faction, and He Tengjiao, Du Yinxi, Fu Shangrui and other local representatives of the New Donglin Party are another faction.

When they heard that Qian Qianyi took the initiative to ask for the power to deal with the incident of Zuo Shunmen's letter, Qu Shiyun, He Tengjiao and others thought that it was now the party that presided over the government, and Jin Shengsi, Wu Weiye and others wrote at this moment to ask the emperor to issue an edict to link the natural disaster with the new policy, which obviously meant something.

If Jin Shengsi, Wu Weiye and others are lightly dismissed, it will undoubtedly send a wrong signal to the people of the world, and it is not that the imperial court completely disagrees with these far-fetched statements. Once the disaster continues, this sentiment will turn into anger against the court and the emperor.

Since the founding of the Ming Dynasty, and even in all dynasties, as long as it is not the end of the world, I have never heard of an emperor making a mistake, and the ministers are innocent. So let this kind of folk sentiment ferment, the emperor will certainly have to admit his mistake, and the ruling new Donglin Party will also be liquidated.

Therefore, even Qu Shiyun and He Tengjiao, who are quite admiring Jin Shengxian and Wu Weiye's talent on weekdays, have the same opinions as Chongzhen at this time, advocating that this incident be punished strictly and severely, so as to warn the people of the world not to attack the major policies of the imperial court with the theory of gods and ghosts.

However, Qi Biaojia and Liu Sixuan, the clear streams of the capital, worked hard to persuade Qian Qianyi to save Jin Shengxian and Wu Weiye, thinking that they were the seeds of study, and talents were rare. What's more, according to the theory of celestial and human induction, what the two of them said is not an exaggeration. Your Majesty's behavior over the years has indeed been a bit excessive, not only has it violated the code of ethics everywhere, but now he doesn't even give the dignity of the scholars, and directly asks the scholars to pay for the same food and serve as civilians, and this does not allow others to complain a few times.

Qian Qianyi has always been indecisive, and under the alternating intercession of the personnel of the two parties, he has not been able to make a decision for a long time. The remaining centrist members of the New Donglin Party were also disappointed by Qian Qianyi's weak nature, and began to gradually divide between the two factions. As a result, the Zuo Shunmen letter incident has not yet been decided, and the New Donglin Party has almost split within the party because of this.

Officials in the DPRK and China have either joined the Scientific Progressive Party or are members of the New Donglin Party, and the remaining small groups have now almost disbanded themselves and chosen one of the two parties to join. For the members of the New Donglin Party, the internal division of the New Donglin Party is as happy as watching the fire from the other side, after all, the purpose of joining the party is also to make progress, and the continuous ruling of the New Donglin Party has made many members of the Scientific Progressive Party very red.

For example, after Wen Tiren saw the development of the Zuo Shunmen incident, he was a little eager to try, and he discussed with his henchmen Tang Shiji and Xie Sheng, wanting to take the opportunity to set another fire on Qian Qianyi and let him take the initiative to retire from the position of first assistant.

In such a stormy situation, Qian Qianyi finally decided to listen to Liu Ru's advice to him and investigate the case with great fanfare, but he did not kill anyone. This can not only meet the requirements of the emperor and the hardliners in the party, but will not offend Qingliu and Jiangnan scholars too much.

Qian Qianyi's decision naturally caused an uproar, so the anger of Qingliu and Jiangnan Shi quickly shifted from the emperor to the first assistant and the cabinet. Previously, their criticism of the emperor was still very subtle and method-oriented, after all, Chongzhen held much more power in his hands than his brother and grandfather, and these scholars were still a little worried about whether they and their families would be retaliated against.

But they are obviously much bolder than the first assistant and the cabinet's criticism. In the absence of a voice in the Daming Times, public opinion was almost one-sided in criticizing Qian Qianyi and the cabinet he led, labeling Qian Qianyi as a hypocrite, which made Qian Qianyi a little uneasy.

However, at this time, Zhu Youzhen publicly expressed his support for Qian Qianyi's handling of the Zuo Shunmen incident at the knighthood ceremony of Chongzhen's twelfth year, and said to everyone: "... Some people always want to make excuses for the actions of these people, thinking that their writing is out of innocence and without any malice.

However, I thought that this was not a simple case of subjects stating their opinions to the monarch, but a political incident in which some people tried to use the book for their own personal gain.

Everyone is very clear that the current Ming Dynasty is facing a once-in-a-century drought, at this juncture the whole country should be united, have money to contribute, strong contributions, some people, grain and grain, to help the people in the disaster area to tide over the difficulties, this is the first priority of the Ming Dynasty.

However, there are such officials and gentry who often talk about the interests of the people on weekdays, but once their interests are moved for the survival of the people, this becomes a bad government in which the court competes with the people for profit. In my opinion, some officials and gentry have no people in their hearts, nor do they have a monarch in their hearts, they only have themselves in their hearts.

Just because the imperial court's disaster relief would touch the slightest interest in their hands, they did not hesitate to use celestial warnings to intimidate me, trying to provoke a political struggle between the DPRK and China, and disrupting the imperial court's rescue of the people in the disaster area.

I'm going to say here that they're delusional. Even the Buddhists of Pudu sentient beings have vajra protectors, and they know that the way to eliminate demons is the real great compassion, is the power in the hands of the imperial court just a useless ornament?

In order to ensure the implementation of the imperial court's disaster relief policies, I will unreservedly support the various grain requisition policies made by the cabinet. Any group, whether an individual or an individual, who dares to resist the policy of requisitioning grain, will be regarded as an enemy of the state, and the state will use coercive force to suppress it until it is eliminated..."

Since the seventh year of Chongzhen, the awarding of knighthoods has become a routine government affairs every year. Unlike the past titles, which represented privilege and wealth, the conferment of knighthoods in the Chongzhen Dynasty was more like an honor and status. In addition, the objects of knighthood and decorations have also expanded from military personnel to officials, businessmen, and model workers in various industries.

Especially in the twelfth year of Chongzhen, in order to raise funds for disaster relief, Chongzhen ordered the sale of 30 viscounts and 90 barons. Although the lords of the Ming Dynasty have rarely received rewards from the emperor, the people who have obtained the title still have the right to meet the emperor and be elected to the Senate to participate in politics, especially when these lords are overseas, they can get the preferential treatment of the subject country, so the title of the Ming Dynasty is still very attractive to merchants.

These 120 titles almost double the total number of titles canonized by the imperial court in the past few years, but the income from the sale of these titles is also extremely large. The average price of the viscount's title is about 250,000 yuan, and the baron's title is about 1.08 million yuan, and the sale of the title has increased the income of the household department by 17.22 million yuan.

Such a huge amount of revenue from the auction of the title shocked the officials who had been extremely resistant to selling the title, and this huge amount of money was enough for the imperial court to solve most of the troubles it was currently facing. However, it is surprising that there are still merchants and factory owners who are dissatisfied with the way the title is auctioned, believing that there are too many restrictions in the title auction, which makes it impossible for many people to participate, which is obviously a manipulation.

For Zhu Youzhen, the amount of money obtained from this auction of the title also shocked him. After all, at the beginning, he thought that having a third of the number was already quite good. But he never imagined that these merchants, who kept shouting that business was difficult, would easily mobilize such a large amount of money to buy a title for themselves that could not be hereditary. Sure enough, the tax department of the household department is not the opponent of these profiteers at all.

ps: In the twelfth year of Chongzhen, the exchange price of gold and silver banknotes:.