The implementation of the nuclear bomb program has caused huge controversy, and it is really difficult to understand that Manturov actually asked for the use of 2 billion rubles of the state treasury for the development of nuclear weapons and the construction of related supporting facilities for this small bomb. Pen % fun % Pavilion www.biquge.info

In that world, the treasury of the USSR did not lack this money, and in 1941 alone, the revenue of the Soviet treasury reached the level of 230 billion (30% higher than in history), but the fiscal expenditure was only about 226 billion rubles, and the fiscal surplus reached 4 billion rubles.

(Historically, the Soviet Union's fiscal revenue in 1941 was 176.98 billion rubles, fiscal expenditure was 191.39 billion rubles, and the fiscal deficit reached 14.41 billion rubles)

You may ask, is the fiscal surplus in 1941 only 4 billion rubles, half of which was spent on nuclear weapons? Not less, of course! This 2 billion rubles is enough for the production of nine thousand T-34 tanks.

But what about the Palace of the Soviets? The cost of nuclear weapons research and development + construction of nuclear facilities of 2 billion rubles is not much, after all, this cost can buy the peace of the country, and by the way, it can also develop nuclear energy technology and solve the domestic energy problem. But what about the Palace of Soviets? The construction of such a skyscraper cost 4 billion rubles, and what was bought back was a little face.

In contrast, the expenditure on nuclear weapons research and development programs is not only half less than that of the Palace of Soviets, but the benefits in exchange are also higher than those of the Palace of the Soviets.

However, this plan is still not understood by some people, or it is not in the interests of such people.

The military expressed its support for this nuclear weapons research program, after all, they are the army, and any army wants to get such weapons of mass destruction, so in the National Defense Committee, Voroshilov, who represents the military, also stood on Manturov's side and fully supported the research and development of nuclear weapons and nuclear energy technology.

So who is against it? In the National Defense Council, there was only one person who openly expressed his disapproval -- and that was Voznesensky.

As for the rest, Stalin, Voroshilov, Molotov, and Mikoyan have made it clear that they support the nuclear weapons development program (although Molotov and Mikoyan have followed suit), and Malenkov and Beria have not yet taken a position.

Although Voznesensky was the only one who opposed it, behind him was a force to be reckoned with. This force is the "Leningrad faction" headed by Zhdanov, secretary of the Central Committee, and centered on Voznesensky and Alexei Kuznetsov.

At that time, the situation in the high-level power field of the Soviet Union could be described as "dividing the world into three parts" -- the three major political factions, namely, the "Georgian gangsters" headed by Beria, the "Leningrad faction" headed by Zhdanov, and the "Old Guard" represented by Voroshilov, Molotov, and others, held many important positions at the top level of the CPSU, forming a situation in which the world was divided into three parts.

Voznesensky was the only "Leningradist" who entered the State Defense Committee, and his opinion essentially represented that of the Leningradist.

Manturov did not want to provoke the Leningrads because of this, so he tried every means to persuade Voznesensky, hoping to get Voznesensky's understanding.

Manturov's impression of Voznesensky was generally good, at least Voznesensky's work ability was outstanding, and as a professor of economics at Leningrad University, he also had a good level of knowledge, performed well in economic work, and was deeply trusted and valued by Stalin.

However, Voznesensky was a more unruly person, more difficult to get along with other people, and he had a strong jealousy of Manturov, and the relationship between the two became more and more estranged, and there were more and more conflicts at work.

Compared to Manturov, Voznesensky is no longer young. Before he was 28 years old, Manturov became the deputy prime minister of the Soviet Union, vice chairman of the National Defense Committee, and vice chairman of the Central Supervision Commission, which is equivalent to the deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.

And what about Voznesensky? He is also 38 years old this year, but he is already the first vice chairman of the People's Commissariat (equivalent to the executive vice premier), a member of the National Defense Commission, and chairman of the State Planning Commission. If you are in my country, let alone 38 years old, even if you are 48 years old, you may not be able to climb to such a high position.

The reason why he was in a high position at such a young age was largely because he was relatively good personally and could afford to work economically. Of course, getting Zhdanov's appreciation and promotion is also a key point.

Voznesensky's career began in 1934, when he was a professor of economics at the Red Specialized Academy in Moscow, where he had little to do with officialdom.

Until 1935, he was transferred to the Donetsk region for public service, and less than a month later he was transferred to the city of Leningrad, where he was responsible for urban planning.

At that time, the first secretary of the Leningrad Regional Party Committee was Zhdanov, who took a fancy to this young and promising intellectual, took good care of him, and in 1937 promoted him to deputy chairman of the Leningrad City Soviet Executive Committee (equivalent to deputy mayor), and soon after, Voznesensky was promoted to the Central Committee and served as deputy chairman of the State Planning Commission.

In 1938, Voznesensky became chairman of the State Planning Commission, in 1939 he became deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (equivalent to vice premier of the State Council), and in 1941 he became first deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars. His career is not ordinary!

But it is precisely because of Taishun, lack of grassroots training, coupled with the active support of leaders, and the fact that he is not afraid of offending people, has created his unruly character, and he has not grown much in mentality, and his thinking and personality are not very mature.

And what about Manturov? Although he is 10 years younger than Voznesensky, his actual life experience is more than 10 years longer than Voznesensky. Besides, there is no shortage of tempering in his official career, don't look at his current scenery, how many people know about his experience before he became the secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Party Committee?

Manturov's career began in 1934, just like Voznesensky. At the time, Manturov, who was not yet 20 years old, had just graduated from Moscow State Technical University and was assigned to work in his hometown of Novosibirsk.

Later, when the Great Purge began, Ekh, then the first secretary of the Party Committee of the Western Siberian Territory, began a large-scale purge of officials in Western Siberia, making Western Siberia one of the hardest hit areas of the Great Purge.

In Western Siberia, tens of thousands of cadres were executed or sent to the gulag by the indiscriminate killing of innocent Ekh, and countless cadres were dismissed and demoted, resulting in a large number of cadre deaths and a large number of job vacancies.

In such a situation, Manturov had to establish good relations with the people of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and even with Ekh, and "get along" with the people around him. During this period, he almost never sinned against anyone, and it was for this reason that he was able to rise to the position smoothly and quickly taking advantage of the large number of vacancies.

By 1937, he had become the first secretary of the party committee of the Novosibirsk October district, and then the third secretary of the Novosibirsk city party committee.

Later, the first secretary of the Communist Youth League Committee of the West Siberian Territory was purged, and for a time no suitable candidate could be found, so Manturov, who had been the secretary of the Youth League Committee of the university, had to take the post of secretary of the Communist Youth League Committee of the entire Territory.

Soon after, the West Siberian Territory was changed to the Novosibirsk Region, and soon after Ekh became the first secretary of the Party Committee of the Novosibirsk Region, he began to be investigated by the Central Committee and subsequently arrested.

Aleseyev, who was originally appointed by the Central Committee as the new first secretary of the state party committee and temporarily took the post of Ekh, was soon found to have problems and was purged before taking office.

The purges of Aleseyev and Ekh implicated almost the entire regional party committee of the Novosibirsk region, and even the city party committees of Novosibirsk, Tomsk, and Kemerovo were not spared.

Under such circumstances, the Novosibirsk Oblast really could not come up with a person with high enough qualifications to serve as the first leader of the state party committee, and Manturov, the secretary of the regional Communist Youth League Committee, the former Novosibirsk was the third secretary of the party committee, and he was able to temporarily replace the secretary of the state party committee, and later his performance was recognized by the Central Committee, and he made an exception and became the youngest first secretary of the state party committee in the Soviet Union.

From 1934 to 1938, Manturov grew up in this turbulent environment. After experiencing the turmoil of the Great Purge, he has accumulated a lot of life experience and seen the darkness of society.