"What is a real socialist society? In my opinion, a truly socialist society is a society without exploitation, a society that truly stresses morality and humanity.

In such a society, exploitation does not exist because it is moral.

In any case, exploitation is not a moral thing, so such a thing is bound to be rejected by a moral society.

But in the 'socialist republic' in which we live, exploitation still exists and is defended and admired by the 'comrades' of the leadership.

What is the difference between such a society and a capitalist society full of exploitation? Perhaps the biggest difference is the image and identity of the exploiters.

How is it different? The exploiters in capitalist society are the capitalists who control the means of production and the great wealth. And the exploiters in this union of socialist republics are the bureaucrats who hold power. ”

In Leningrad, the second largest city in the USSR, a group of young people who "dared to speak" began to appear.

Many of these young people were students of Leningrad University, who were influenced by the rector of Leningrad University, Alexander Voznesensky (the elder brother of Nikolai Voznesensky, chairman of the State Planning Commission).

Alexander Voznesensky's ideas were already relatively "civilized" in the Soviet Union, a relatively strict and conservative country. His thinking is more inclined to the line of liberalization and moralization, encourages students to think critically, recommends students to study the works of Marx and Engels, and conducts more research and discussion on Marxism.

Against this background, one after another "Marxist study groups" were organized among the student body of Leningrad University, who were encouraged to think critically and express themselves freely in all sorts of expressions.

Many of these statements were against the Stalinist government, but in Leningrad's atmosphere of freedom and critical thinking, the people who made them often did not cause much trouble.

Even if something gets into trouble, there are people from Leningrad University who vouch for "unlucky" people, and behind Leningrad University (that is, Alexander Voznesensky), there is also a member of the Politburo named Nikolai Voznesensky, and behind Voznesensky, there is also Andrei Zhdanov, the second secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

In Leningrad, almost no one dared to offend Voznesensky and others, because behind these people happened to be the "Leningrad faction" in the Soviet political arena, which held huge political power.

Although the power of this political force in the center is not enough for them to call the wind and rain, at least for the time being, they already have the power to "call the sky and the rain" in the Leningrad region. Not only the city party committee, but also the city government, the main leaders of the city soviet, almost all of them were "Leningradists".

It is very dangerous to offend the local party and government leaders in a place, so many people living in Leningrad usually choose to hide the anti-Stalin ideas or tendencies of Leningrad University students when they find out.

The few who choose to report may succeed, but even if they do, the person who is reported may be able to escape with the guarantee of the university.

Perhaps, Alexander Voznesensky's encouragement of critical thinking and humanitarianism is a good starting point, and his act of "saving" the children of the "enemy of the people" by recruiting students is also commendable. But in this way, those who had been oppressed by the Soviet government may have begun to become unscrupulous because they had been sheltered by Alexander Voznesensky and were temporarily safe.

Some of the students' criticism of the government may still be correct, and the Soviet government still has a lot of problems for the time being, most of which are caused by bureaucrats or revisionists in the party, but as a result, the "culprit" of these problems is often attributed to Stalin as the supreme leader, and people have a sense of resistance to Stalin and even all the cadres in the party as a whole.

Some students of the "Enemy of the People" are even more "deeply aware" of these problems, and they have personally experienced the pain of their parents being arrested by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and they themselves are forced to live a life of discrimination and unjust treatment like the children of the "Enemy of the People", and naturally have a lot of resentment against the Ministry of the Interior and the regime behind it.

When they have the opportunity to make anti-government statements and express their dissatisfaction with the government, the children of these enemies of the people tend to make more heated remarks, and will use their family's experience as a "living example" against the Stalinist government, thus strengthening their persuasive power, and every time they talk about it, their resentment will also explode, and they will often say things that should not be said in such a desperate situation.

"Lyudmila, do you know what you're talking about?" A young man interrupted Lyudmila, after all, this was a public place, and the daughter of an enemy of the people could easily attract the attention of others and provoke death if she made these remarks that reflected the government. (Although she does not mention Stalin, she is only criticizing what he calls "bureaucrats.") ）

"Am I wrong? It is true that the bureaucrats who hold power are using their power to exploit the broad masses of the people. Our party and our leaders do not tolerate them, and what I am saying is not in line with the line? Lyudmila said in a sarcastic tone.

In the eyes of outsiders, there is nothing wrong with what she said, but in reality, Lyudmila herself does not believe what she has just said, nor does she believe that the party will accept her words. In her view, if the party really does not tolerate the existence of these bureaucrats, then how can these revisionists and bureaucrats not lose their official positions and still live a life of superiority?

The only explanation for this phenomenon that she could think of was that Stalin did not object, even acquiesced, to the existence of this phenomenon, and even participated in part of the conspiracy.

But is that really the case? In fact, Stalin also made many anti-bureaucratic remarks, believing that any successful ruling party would have these opportunists and bureaucrats, so he always took measures against these bureaucrats, and during the Great Purge, he eliminated many local bureaucrats who were doing evil, and let some people who were really capable and willing to serve the people take their place.

Under such circumstances, local bureaucrats such as Ekh, first secretary of the party committee of the West Siberian Territory (later changed to the Novosibirsk region), first secretary of the party committee of the Kuibyshev region, and Postshev, first secretary of the party committee of the Kuibyshev region, were eliminated, while Pegov, secretary of the Primorsky Territory Party Committee, Ponomarenko, secretary of the Belarusian Party committee, Manturov, secretary of the Novosibirsk Party committee, and other people who were more capable and willing to serve the people took over the positions of those bureaucrats in this purge and were given more opportunities to shine in the Soviet political arena.

However, there were also innocent purges of Bolsheviks during the purge, and the people responsible for arresting and purging these Bolsheviks were often local bureaucrats. As a result, the purge became a tool for some bureaucrats to purge outstanding party members and their competitors, and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union lost many excellent party members.

Although many bureaucrats have been arrested and duly punished, there are still a large number of bureaucrats who have escaped the catastrophe and even been promoted to more important positions in the party. The most prominent of these people was Nikita Khrushchev, who would become the supreme leader of the Soviet Union in history.

Stalin did not like bureaucrats, but did this mean that he could tolerate such liberal and anti-government currents in Leningrad? This is, of course, negative. If this continues, the Leningradists are afraid to eat the jujube pill.