On October 14, 1944, the first plenary session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held in the Grand Kremlin in Moscow. Pen ~ fun ~ pavilion www.biquge.info

The most important item of this meeting is the election of members of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee and members of the Politburo. Although Stalin had already decided on the candidates for the Politburo and the Central Secretariat, no matter how powerful he was, he had to abide by the principle of democratic centralism and ensure that all Politburo members and members of the Central Secretariat were elected.

Before the meeting, the vast majority of Central Committee members/alternate members did not know who the candidates were, but generally speaking, the candidates for the next secretary and Politburo members will not be much different from the previous one, and most of the previous Politburo members/Secretariat members will be able to be re-elected in their original positions.

Stalin, for example, has been a member of the Politburo and first secretary of the Secretariat since he was elected general secretary in 1922, and his re-election has basically become inevitable, and no one can stop him.

In addition to Stalin, Zhdanov, Molotov, Kalinin, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Mikoyan, and Andreyev were basically all members of the Politburo, and although their re-election was not inevitable, the chances of leaving office were so small that everyone felt that they could sit firmly in the Politburo.

The only person who has a chance not to be re-elected to the Politburo is Nikita Khrushchev, the first secretary of the Ukrainian party committee.

Khrushchev is completely inferior to several others in terms of ability, prestige, and contribution to the country, and there are several strong alternate members of Beria, Manturov, Malenkov, and Voznesensky who are staring at the position of official members of the Politburo, and each of them is much more competitive than Khrushchev, and it is entirely possible to kick Khrushchev out.

Of course, there is also the possibility of expanding the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, and it is also possible to add one or two members to the original Politburo members, because after all, the current few alternate members are all coaxing, and they must be given a place to become regulars.

As a result, as one might expect, almost all the former members of the Politburo, except for Khrushchev, were re-elected, while Voznesensky, chairman of the State Planning Commission and first deputy chairman of the Supreme Council of Ministers, and Manturov, head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, were promoted to the rank of full members of the Politburo and were no longer alternate members of the Politburo.

More attention is paid to the leadership of the Secretariat of the Central Committee than to the candidate for the Politburo, and everyone is concerned about who will take over his position as secretary of the Secretariat after Shcherbakov's death.

There is so much uncertainty about this position, and the few people who are rumored to have a chance to succeed are very high-profile figures, and the political forces behind them are trying to find a nomination for the secretary of the Central Secretariat.

Stalin really didn't come up with any ideas about this candidate at first. After all, the competitiveness of each candidate is about the same, everyone has their own advantages and disadvantages, and there is also a political bloc behind them, and whoever puts them on it will affect the political landscape of the Soviet high-level.

Under such circumstances, there were many different opinions within the CPSU, among which Katya, who was the second secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee, naturally became one of the hot candidates.

This statement was further "confirmed" three weeks ago -- the Moscow City Party Committee and the State Party Committee received the official appointment documents of the Central Committee, and at the plenary session of the City Party Committee and the State Party Committee, Katya was officially elected as the first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee and the State Party Committee, becoming the youngest female local number one, and increasing the possibility that she would succeed Shcherbakov as Secretary of the Central Committee.

Georgy Popov, chairman of the Moscow City Soviet, was appointed by the Central Committee as head of the city construction department, and not only became a subordinate of Manturov, deputy prime minister in charge of construction and heavy industry, but also lost the opportunity to run for secretary of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee and first secretary of the Moscow City CPC Committee.

But Katya was too young to enter the Secretariat without much to do, and even her husband, Manturov, secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee and head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee, felt that she was not a good fit, and considered Mikhail Suslov, first secretary of the Ordzhonikidze regional party committee, to be a more suitable candidate.

On the other hand, the second secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Zhdanov also supported Alexei Kuznetsov, the first secretary of the Leningrad city party committee, in front of Stalin, and Voroshilov recommended Chernenko, the first secretary of the Novosibirsk regional party committee, to his son-in-law.

Whether it is Katya, Suslov, Kuznetsov or Chernenko, they are all figures at the level of the first secretary of the state party committee. They are of the same level, and they have their own characteristics, which is really difficult to distinguish. Among them, Kuznetsov has the most abundant political resources (backstage), Chernenko has the best political performance, Suslov has the most low-key performance, and Katya is the most beautiful.

But being beautiful and low-key is not a reason to be qualified as secretary of the Central Committee, so in this way, Katia and Suslov can be excluded.

Alexei Kuznetsov was a Leningrad faction, and he was invited by the second secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU to Zhdanov, and his political resources were incomparable.

And Chernenko's political resources are not bad, he started from the Novosibirsk faction, followed by Manturov, head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, and in the end this battle for the secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee evolved into a wrestling point between the two camps of Zhdanov and Manturov.

However, while Zhdanov fought for Kuznetsov, Manturov was supporting Suslov, secretary of the Ordzhonikidze regional party committee, and the result was a winner--Alexei Kuznetsov, first secretary of the Leningrad city party committee, was finally elected secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee and head of the International Liaison Department, responsible for liaison and intelligence-sharing between the Central Committee of the CPSU and other communists.

As "compensation", Katya also got her wish and became the first head of the Moscow Municipal and Oblast Party committees and concurrently served as the deputy head of the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Chernenko was transferred to the first secretary of the Party Committee of the Republic of Kazakhstan, and Suslov was promoted to the head of the Foreign Liaison Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU.

As for the previous secretaries of the Secretariat of the Central Committee (Manturov, Zhdanov, Andreyev, Malenkov), they were eventually retained without incident.