By the time Voznesensky's rhetoric appeared in the mainstream media in the Soviet Union, all those who knew anything about the ecology of Soviet officialdom already knew that a new factional struggle was about to begin.

This struggle is not only a power struggle between two factions and two groups of cadres, but also a struggle between two ideological and local factions.

After the "Siberians" published articles in major newspapers attacking Voznesensky's economic views, the "Leningradists" also began to publish rebuttal articles, arguing that the accounting of profits and losses in the Soviet economy not only did not contradict the socialist economy, but also played a substantial stimulating role in the development of socialist production.

Although there was no shortage of talented people among the Leningradists, as well as a large number of economic and theoretical experts, their comments were not explained by too many theories of Marxism, Leninism, and Stalin's ideas (Stalin himself did not think that there was any such thing as "Stalinism"), and did not quite conform to the line advocated by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union at that time.

On the contrary, the "Siberians" openly quoted the views of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin (mainly Stalin and Lenin) to refute them, followed a more "correct" line, and argued more, and gradually won the support of more and more people in the party (although many people took a fancy to the Siberian faction's line correction, which had a greater chance of winning, and "bet" on support in exchange for political benefits).

The "Leningrad faction", which was relatively at a loss in the struggle for the line and had fewer supporters, had to gradually move the dispute elsewhere.

They criticized Manturov's idea of prioritizing the development of Siberia, the Urals, Central Asia and the Caucasus, arguing that the development of these regions was too expensive and that there were not enough manpower, and that in the case of limited national resources, resources should be placed in the Urals and western regions (including the regions west of the Russian Urals, the three Baltic states, Finland, Ukraine, Moldavia and Belarus) where the development of these regions is better and less expensive.

In this way, the struggle between the two factions evolved from a debate about the "law of value" to a struggle between two local factions.

The "Leningrad faction," which advocated the development of the western region, believed that it was necessary to give priority to the development of the industries of the western regions of Russia, the three Baltic states, Belarus, and Ukraine, improve the transportation of these regions, and consolidate their position as the elite regions of the Soviet Union.

Manturov, on the other hand, believed that the Soviet Union's local differences were too great, and the economy was too dependent on the western region, while Central Asia and Siberia had not received sufficient development, resulting in the relatively backward economy and people's livelihood in those regions, so he believed that priority should be given to building the relatively backward Siberia and Central Asia, raising the level of industry and agriculture in Siberia and Central Asia, and improving the transportation, economic, and living conditions in these regions, so that the people in these regions could live a better life and get rid of the inconvenience caused by the backwardness of local development.

At the same time, he also advocated increasing the exploration and development of natural resources in Central Asia and Siberia to increase the supply of raw materials throughout the Soviet Union, and to set up some raw material processing facilities near the raw material supply points to reduce the transportation costs of the raw material processing industry, and at the same time to improve the industrial level of the raw material supply areas and create jobs for the local people.

Manturov's proposal was endorsed by most of the local leaders of the five Central Asian countries and Siberia, and many secretaries of the Siberian state party committees and the secretaries of the union republics of the five Central Asian countries successively expressed their support for the concept of "building a large rear" advocated by Manturov (that is, strengthening the development of Siberia and Central Asia east of the Ural Mountains).

And the local leaders in the west, who had supported Manturov from the beginning (including Ukrainian Party Secretary Chernenko, First Secretary of the Belarusian Party Committee Gusarov, and Moscow City and Oblast Party Committee Katya) were also trying to persuade their colleagues to support the Siberian faction.

Thanks to the efforts of Ponomarenko, secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the People's Republic of China (who served as secretary of the Belarusian Party Committee for seven years), and Gusarov, first secretary of the Belarusian Party committee, most of the Belarusian party committee members sided with Manturov because of the same ideology or because of the "influence (coercion and inducement)" of the first secretary of the republic.

Ignatiev, the second secretary of the Belarusian party committee, whose ideology is similar to that of Manturov, Ponomarenko, and others, has become Manturov's hardcore ally and a member of the "Siberian faction."

As for the Ukrainian side, because Chernenko's roots there are too shallow (many Ukrainian leaders were promoted during the Khrushchev era), he has not won too many allies, but it has also made some people who originally intended to support Voznesensky retain their positions, so that Voznesensky cannot get the support of the main local leaders of Ukraine.

At the same time, Voznesensky's people tried their best to win the hearts and minds of the people, winning the support of the chairman of the Supreme Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation (equivalent to the Russian prime minister) Rodionov, the first secretary of the party committee of the Moldavian Republic Nikita Khrushchev, and the first leaders of the three Baltic states, a total of the five union republics.

Subsequently, the main leaders of a number of the three Baltic states and Moldavia also cautiously expressed their position in support of Voznesensky "under the influence of the first chief".

Rodionov, chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers, also managed to win the support of Patorichev, secretary of the Chelyabinsk Regional Party Committee, Bumakin, secretary of the Novgorod Regional Party Committee, Sergei Giryev, secretary of the Gorky Regional Party Committee, Pavel Doronin, secretary of the Kursk Regional Party Committee, and Georgy Popov, chairman of the Moscow Soviet Executive Committee (mayor).

But even so, there are still a large number of leaders in the western regions of Russia who are on Manturov's side, including Yaroro-Ropol Regional Party Secretary Andropov, Svidlov Regional Party Committee Secretary Viktor Nedosikin, Stalingrad Regional Party Committee Secretary Chuyanov, and Katya, Secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee and Regional Party Committee, is Manturov's woman, of course, unconditionally on her husband's side.

As a result, the wrestling between the two factions in the western regions of Russia has become a five-five situation, with the local leaders supporting Manturov and supporting Voznesensky in equal numbers and strength, while others remain on the sidelines. Some of these waiters plan to bet at a critical moment, while others do their best to avoid getting involved in the fight for the sake of their own lives.

As for the Caucasus side, most of the members of the party committees of the three republics took a wait-and-see attitude, and no one dared to express their position lightly, because they did not dare to offend Manturov, nor Voznesensky and Zhdanov behind him, and the ideas of both factions did not help much for the development of the Caucasus, but this does not mean that they will remain neutral forever, and it does not mean that they will not stand up at a critical moment.