After Chen Jian spoke dryly for a long time, the debate about what to do next was not resolved so easily.

This is a good thing, as it proves that the party is maturing, and it also proves that internal factions have emerged and more people are starting to think for themselves.

Moreover, it seems that this kind of good thing will continue for a while, and this atmosphere within the party will continue to be maintained, and for the time being it seems that there is not much external pressure, and it is unlikely that it will immediately fall into a time when it is necessary to unite against external pressure.

What was initially thought to be a simple controversy over the land issue has proved over time that it is not simple.

The discussion on the matter lasted nine days, from the time of the wave to the end of the discussion, and there were many debates and shouting, which was the longest discussion of an issue since the founding of the Mexican Party, and it was a full nine days plus many night meetings.

The controversy over the land question, which was initially thought to be simple, proved by the number of votes that it was not simple.

Rao, one of the many 'descendants' led by Chen Jian, also voted against the land vote – the first time since the split of the Progressive League that Chen Jian narrowly won support.

Of the 412 delegates, more than 80 abstained from voting, citing the need for time to learn and understand; More than 80 people voted against it in a clear and unambiguous opposition position; In other words, there are only more than 200 people who support Chen Jian.

Among these more than 200 people, about seventy or eighty really understand, thirty or fifty who are half-understood and half-incomprehensible, sixty or seventy who understand but can't get over emotionally, and a large number of people who don't understand for the time being but think that Chen Jian should be right, this is the last remnant of all the prestige before.

In addition to reasoning and theory, Chen Jian also had to add some other content that satisfied the emotions of those people, so that he could get the sixty or seventy votes that were unwilling but ultimately supported.

For example, when it comes to the issue that landlords are immoral but will not be punished under the legal power of the private ownership system and under the premise of abiding by the laws of the Mincheng Council, Chen Jian played a sideshow.

For the time being, if we do not use the legal ideology of the Mexican Party system to solve this matter, and use the foundation of the Mexican Party to solve this matter, it means breaking with the Mincheng Council and going it alone.

But Chen Jian told those disgruntled young people: After we used rent and interest reductions to mobilize tenant farmers and gain a firm foothold, many landlords who committed heinous crimes but did not violate the law at this time really couldn't find any problems?

Have you paid all your taxes? Is all the land that pays taxes registered? Even if there was no tax evasion according to the previous national law? Is tax-exempt status sufficient? Is there a suspicion of collusion with old local officials to evade taxes?

No one's buttocks are clean, and when they gain a firm foothold and find trouble from these problems, many landlords will have to peel off their skins if they don't die. The Mexican Party has not said that it is not to blame before and in the past.

Not saying it means that you can say it at any time, and it also means that you can not say it at any time. Whether to say it or not depends on the specific situation.

If you have a firm foothold in the countryside and have a basic market, then of course you can say that you can pay taxes and interest after you say it, and you don't dare to say that your family is ruined if you add a little plus, but if you don't have cash, you have to use a land mortgage to pay taxes.

As for those who are more open-minded, conform to the times, have a good reputation, and are willing to invest in industry and commerce or operate independently, they can naturally turn a blind eye when the time comes.

Of course, it will definitely not be checked at this stage. The matter of rent reduction and interest reduction is already very troublesome, the Mexican Party does not take the lead, and the council in Mincheng can only shout slogans, and there are really a few enthusiastic people who go to the countryside, and eighty percent of them are killed by people.

While the landlords objected, the Mexican Party pretended not to talk about the past, and it would not force them to completely turn their faces.

When this matter is almost done, it is reasonable and legal to turn around, track down the problems of tax exemption, tax evasion, and non-reporting of the landlord's land, and make them cry without tears. The grassroots have been organized, and it was only lukewarm water before, but now it has become boiling water, and if they want to resist, they will be arrested every minute with problems such as "tax resistance and tax evasion, contempt for the laws of the Republic and the power of the Min County Council".

Rao is like this, many people still feel resentful, feel that justice has come too late, and justice is not achieved in the name of justice.

In any case, the final vote was passed to temporarily turn the issue over, and once a resolution was formed, it was necessary to support it in the five-year plan, regardless of whether it was opposed or not.

It is impossible to hold an all-party congress every year, especially now that once every five years is already the limit.

Generally speaking, this congress can be regarded as a formal party building conference, which has been copied in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, and has achieved twice the result with half the effort, but it is also very immature and slowly groped.

For the sake of Mincheng's plan within five years, after half of the votes approved the direction of activities on the rural issue, the debate was put aside for the time being, and brainstorming began.

Soon, a good plan to pull the citizen class of Mincheng to his side was sorted out.

In the last case of the county-owned shelter factories, the big bourgeoisie tried to teach them a lesson by using the plan of taxation in the countryside to incite yeoman farmers against the urban hired workers, and they did the opposite.

If they can provoke the countryside to suppress the cities, they can also incite the citizens of the cities to support the land change.

On the premise of keeping the amount of national tax payable unchanged, some people in the party proposed to take advantage of the opportunity of this rent reduction and interest reduction and land re-measurement to abolish the poll tax that must be paid and add the poll tax to the land tax and stamp duty.

That is, the poll tax on urban craftsmen and hired laborers was abolished, and most of it was transferred to the countryside, where it was paid by the rural landowners.

In this way, it is possible to gain the support of the urban artisans, which is a matter of concern to their vital interests, and they will certainly support it greatly.

This part of the poll tax, which was passed on to the rural areas, was linked to specific policies such as reducing rents and interest rates, re-measuring land, and establishing peasant associations.

On the one hand, a large amount of tax-exempt land that has been hidden and not reported will certainly be much more after being measured by the Mexican Party organizations, which do not have much interest in the rural areas.

The amount of national tax reported is still those, and the excess land will have to pay land tax, so as to obtain the support of the Mincheng Council, and the Council without budget power and fiscal revenue has no power.

The landlords oppose it, the city citizens and councils support it, and the Mexican Party implements it, and the intensified contradictions can be appropriately resolved by force, as long as there are no loopholes for "breaking the law."

On the other hand, the poll tax seems to have been transferred to the countryside, but for those tenant farmers and small yeoman farmers, they have paid less poll tax, and they don't have much land anyway.

According to calculations, even if the land that is hidden and not reported is not counted, this policy will only affect a certain number of small landowners who have land.

Further down, the reduction of the poll tax is equal to the increase in the land tax.

And this part of the population is generally self-managed, even if equal, with the silver inflation, price revolution, new species and new planting techniques and other conditions, will allow them to increase their income year by year.

For them, as long as they are properly advertised, they will do simple arithmetic problems, and their income will increase in the long run.

The poll tax is the most unreasonable tax, and it is also the seemingly "most equal" tax, but the equality of this tax is actually the biggest unfairness.

This policy is most affected by the landlords who have large amounts of land. They have more land and fewer people, and the increase in land tax is not large, which can be multiplied by a huge base and will be greatly affected.

With the cooperation of compulsory rent and interest reductions, the mobilization of peasant associations, and the protection of tenant rights in backward areas, it is extremely difficult for them to transfer this part of the tax to the land rent of tenants.

They will certainly oppose it, but their land also gives them conservatism and weakness: once the peasant associations and the Mexican Party extend their tentacles to the countryside, as long as they do not touch the land division and other issues, they dare not resist and dare not gamble their lives - they have been angry in the countryside before, just because they have not yet seen the methods of the Mexican Party, and they have met those unorganized tenant farmers, who are used to playing with loose sand, and they will soon know that they are so fragile when they encounter a stone.

Not to mention fighting with an organized partisan party, can those landlords fight against a large capital group that integrates oil, steel, explosives, munitions, canals, glass, textiles, shipbuilding, banking, spice trade, and so on?

This large capital group and the landlords of the whole country are still far from arguing with the military meritorious families, but it is still possible to call on the landlords of the rest of the counties in a county where Nan'an has been transformed into a city and Mincheng has bourgeois power organs. And behind it there is a large group of urban surplus capital that wants to get a piece of the pie in the countryside.

In addition to what is behind this, there is also the abolition of the poll tax policy that makes profits for the small bourgeoisie of the city on the surface. Stamp duty is also collected a lot every year, and it is generally collected by large bourgeoisie, and at the same time, because the stamp stamp of the government seems to have more legal effect, there is not much opposition.

On a slightly balanced basis, it would be clear that the urban burghers would strongly support this policy, and it would also give the party a basis to re-engage with the various progressive parties of the urban petty burghers, and then use the tragic story of "morality" to win their support for the rural issues, even if it has gained a stable rear.

"Morality" or something can only win over a moment and some people with a sense of justice.

Practical benefits can be supported by the majority of ordinary people, take to the street and ask a small citizen of Fujian that the Mexican Party is ready to propose the abolition of the poll tax, do you support it? They definitely support it. I also asked them if they supported the abolition of the tax on the land tax? When the little citizen thinks that I don't have land, it's my business, of course I support it.

As long as the tenant farmers ensure the establishment of the peasant associations, guarantee their rent and interest reductions, and guarantee the tenants' rights, they will jump to a high level of support.

Wealthy yeoman farmers can calculate a little, and the small poll tax is equal to the increase in the tax on their own land, which can be regarded as the fulfillment of the promise of your Min County Council not to raise taxes on us. By the way, the Mo Party also controls all kinds of new agricultural tools and new seeds, and there are planting guidance when they join the peasant association, so naturally they will not oppose it.

In this way, in the whole of Min County, the rentier and conservative landlords were completely isolated. This is not the entrenched capital and the north, and the bourgeoisie is so powerful that the old landlords have to accept it, and if they don't, they have to accept it—this time they went to Mincheng to complain, and in the face of the new bourgeoisie and the new council dominated by the citizens, it was impossible for anyone in the hall to sue the official. Running to the capital to complain, the sky has changed back and forth, the wharf is either in the hands of the Mexican Party or the Nanyang Company, and if you don't want to die in the sea, you can try it by boat—the bourgeoisie has always been interested in auctioning off the land of fugitive landlords, especially at this time when the rate of return on land management is rising.

There are also those tax evasion lands that have been cleared will not be pursued for the time being, but the Mexican Party and the Min County Council will never introduce a policy that is not to blame for the past. Once you have gained a foothold in the countryside, you will be held accountable, and then you will follow the path of selling land and paying back taxes.