"Comrade Marshal!" When Yakov saw Manturov in the uniform of a Soviet marshal, he felt both celebrated and a little stunned and lost. Pen, fun, pavilion www. biquge。 info

Manturov stood up, stretched out his right hand in the direction of the seat in front of him, and said, "Yasha, you're welcome, please take a seat." ”

"Not long ago, the Bulgarian Workers' Party (Communist Party) sent us the news that they had gained the support of some government forces and that the guerrillas had begun to assemble in the area around the capital, ready to launch an uprising and overthrow the Bulgarian fascist government.

But their troops were still small enough to repel the Germans in Bulgaria and those loyal to the fascist government, so they asked us to march on Bulgaria as soon as possible, hoping that we would support them in the event of an uprising. As soon as Yakov sat down, he began to get to the point. He knew Manturov's style, emphasizing reality over form.

"How many of them are there now?"

"The Bulgarian Revolutionary Liberation Army (the partisan force of the Bulgarian Workers' Party) has 30,000 men, and the number of government troops at their disposal is unknown, but it is estimated that it will not exceed 100,000."

Manturov frowned, "The Bulgarian government army now has 450,000 troops, minus the troops who have switched to the Workers' Party, there are also 350,000, and this is not counting the number of German troops in Bulgaria.

If they challenge the fascist government with 130,000 troops, it will probably be more than lucky, and you should advise them to act after the Red Army is approaching Sofia (the capital of Bulgaria). ”

"Well, that's what I thought, too." Yakov paused, then continued: "Do you know how the negotiations between the Bulgarian government and us are going? ”

"There is no progress yet, the Bulgarians have no sincerity, they are unlikely to fulfill their promise to drive out the Germans, and it is estimated that in a few days they will return home to prepare for war."

Just two days earlier, the Bulgarian Prime Minister had announced that Bulgaria would remain neutral in the war in order to avoid an attack on Bulgaria by the Soviet Red Army and the Romanian troops who had switched to the Soviet camp in order to preserve the current fascist regime.

They promised the Soviet government reforms, transforming the current fascist government into a "democratic" government, and at the same time seeking to drive out the German troops from the territory, withdraw from the Axis camp, and normalize relations with Moscow.

However, the Bulgarian government forces were still suppressing the guerrilla movement in the country, and had no intention of withdrawing from the Axis camp. Even if they withdrew from the Axis powers, they would probably not be able to drive out the Axis forces in Bulgaria.

In such a situation, the negotiations would end in a breakdown, the Soviet government would declare war on Bulgaria, and hundreds of thousands of Soviet Red Army and Romanian troops would enter Bulgaria to eliminate the Bulgarian fascist regime.

The situation in Bulgaria is no different from the history known to Manturov, and no matter what he does, he will not be able to change the fate of the Bulgarian fascist regime being overthrown by his own people, and everything will develop naturally.

However, the situation in Slovakia is a bit more worrying. Historically, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia raised 78,000 troops to revolt in Slovakia against the rule of the German fascists and their puppet Slovak regime.

However, at that time, the Soviet army was still in the area of Sandomierz in Poland and could not support the Slovak uprising. As a result, the Slovak uprising was brutally suppressed by the German army, and in the end, Slovakia was liberated by Soviet force.

If history can be changed and the Slovak uprising succeeds, perhaps the Soviet army will be able to liberate Slovakia more peacefully, reduce the damage caused by the war in Slovakia, and preserve its economic resources and economic value.

"How's going on in Slovakia?" Manturov asked.

"The underground party organization in Czechoslovakia has garnered the support of some units, and their own partisan forces are growing, but for the time being not strong enough to threaten the dominance of Germany and its puppet regime.

We have sent people to contact the party organizations in Czechoslovakia and established a unified secret liaison mechanism in accordance with your proposal, but because of the distance and the fact that it is deep in the German occupation zone, this liaison mechanism does not work smoothly, and it often takes a few days for a message to reach the other side, but we have tried our best to develop a faster and safer communication channel. ”

"It's good to have a liaison mechanism, no matter how slow the spread of information is, but at least we can contact them, we can share information with each other, and we can cooperate with each other.

In addition, inform them that we will revolt after our troops have entered Slovakia, and that we will be able to provide them with support at that time. ”

"Don't worry, we've stressed this to them a few times."

"What about Greece and Yugoslavia? Have all liaison mechanisms been established? Although Manturov did not trust the Yugoslav partisans, in any case, they were all members of the anti-fascist front, and it would be better to have a liaison mechanism to take care of each other.

Yakov nodded confidently, "They have all set up, they have their own communication network, all over Yugoslavia and Greece, the speed of information transmission is relatively fast, and they can even contact our comrades in Romania directly." ”

"Very well, you have never let me down." Manturov picked up the cup on the table, took a sip of water, and continued: "As far as I know, there are also partisans from the communist camp on the Italian side, you can try to contact them.

Also, there must have been Communist comrades in Vichy France, and although their presence was relatively low, it would be better to send someone to contact them if they could. ”

In Manturov's historical memory, there were indeed communist partisans on the Italian side. Although the size of this guerrilla force was not as large as that of the Yugoslav and Greek guerrillas, its combat capability was still relatively strong.

In a series of battles, the Italian communist guerrillas defeated the troops of the Italian fascist government many times (the Italian regular army was notoriously pitiful in combat), and achieved good results. In front of the German army, they performed just as well, even the German army, which has always been brave and good at fighting, did not care about them.

On the French side, the communist forces had a relatively low presence, and although their partisan forces were not as strong as those of the Greek and Yugoslav partisans, their party organizations carried out a great deal of infiltration work in the Vichy French army at the same time, and controlled some Vichy French troops.

The French Communist Party has been secretly fighting against the fascist forces, and finally ushered in victory, but their contribution to the resistance to fascism has been overshadowed by the achievements of the Allies, and the fruits of its victory have also been taken away by the bourgeois forces of de Gaulle, and the French Communist Party has since begun to weaken, and by the 21st century has been reduced to a marginal opposition party.