Jian Chen is not Hu Lin.

Hu Lin will choose to say goodbye to politics because he saw the great changes of the times, the cruelty of political struggle, and the dead people, and returned to his home after 20 years of absence.

Jian Chen can't. Politics is dirty, everyone is afraid of being dirty, they all run away, and they don't get wet, so what should society do?

Even the Mo Party, which has always been a bit of a grandiose and righteous party, has gone from doing charity and relying on technology monopoly to make money, after experiencing the craftsmen and anarchic uprisings in Mincheng, the halo on his body has receded.

Chen Jian was not too interested in the new council in Minjun.

Like his article published in Nature and Science, what appears to be a satire of those who question the gravitational system is actually a satire on some of the party's extreme concerns about the new county council.

The ownership of natural resources, people-oriented versus profit-oriented, and so on, are like trigonometry and arithmetic, and if there is no consensus on the foundations, the policy debate will not be very successful, and in the end it will be reduced to a debate on these foundations.

The foundations are all different, and in the council, it is completely a chicken and a duck, and it would be a ghost to be able to draw a consistent conclusion. With the foundation they set, they were always right, and tinkering could not solve many of the problems faced by Min County at this time.

However, the situation is pressing, and even if you are not very interested, you have to be interested, and you must use any means at your disposal to move forward little by little.

This meeting room within the party served as an appetizer for the power and legislature. The Mexican Party has party assets, and when it comes to overall assets and hidden strength, it is far superior to Nanyang Company. Completely different from the poor and penniless low-level parties when they founded the party, several large technology monopolies in the country were owned by the Mexican party, and the guns and explosives workshops could not only meet the needs of the pickets, but also export large quantities to the Netherlands, Sweden and Japan.

It is not so much an opposition party as it is a large capital group, but this large capital group does not take profit as its first purpose, but spontaneously assumes social responsibility and a sense of mission. In addition, this large capital group has just been established, and there is no internal intertwined interest group yet.

In particular, this large capital group owns vast uncultivated land on two continents. Nominally owned by the owner, but today's free capital looks down on the land, and the profits are low, sometimes negative.

Moreover, several influential parties in Min County were separated from the Progressive League, and it was the Mexican Party that chose to split the Qing Party, not the other way around.

Therefore, the new council of Minjun County can't bypass the Mo Party for the time being, unless it tears its face and kills the Mo Party to the death.

However, those people do not have the courage to do so, and there is no external imperialist force to support them with money and guns - there is no external force in the outside world that is qualified to be called imperialist - the strength of the old forces in Minjun is not strong, and the new forces are growing, so they can only choose to cooperate with the Mexican Party.

If you don't kill now, you won't have a chance in the future.

Once the cooperation is carried out, and once the county council thinks that it is making progress and tries to change, then the Mexican Party will be able to penetrate into the rural areas of Min County under the conditions of "legal and reasonable" within a few years, and make the rural areas completely organized at the grassroots level by virtue of its organizational, money, and personnel advantages, and by virtue of the quota of immigrants from Dahuang City and the number of letters of recommendation from higher education schools as the party branch stationed in the village.

At that time, it is not a question of whether or not to kill the Mexican Party, but to consider the prevention and counter-killing.

The only problem is that the Mexican Party is no longer a prototype of a company-like political party, but has gradually become a formal political party, especially after Chen Jian donated his party assets, and the discussion within the party will become more and more intense and there will be more and more differences.

The future is good and the basis of the party's identity, but how to bridge the gap between reality and the future will inevitably lead to quarrels.

Chen Jian is still alive, so at the beginning of this meeting, it can be said that it will be a "united conference", and he can still be calm, reasonable, and maintain unity by prestige, and maintain unity by uniting the majority of the people.

In reality, however, a rift has already been created.

Realist reformists, sectional revolutionaries, urban trade unions, radicals in public ownership of natural resources and land, and forced planned emigration...... These contradictions, which had been suppressed by the dissolution of the last Progressive League, have resurfaced in the party.

This meeting was not easy, and it was also the first enlarged meeting after Chen Jian and others returned from their round-the-world voyage, and it was also a formal meeting to determine that Chen Jian's private property would become party property.

It took a long time for the delegates from all over the country to set sail from the notice, and from time to time there were ships wrecked, blown out of the channel by the wind, etc., from the arrival of the ship of the representative of the Great Wilderness City at the port of Mincheng, it lasted intermittently for more than two months, and the representatives from all over the country could be regarded as gathering in Mincheng.

The waiting time has changed the season from early summer to late autumn, so that the canal connecting the iron ore mining area in Minjun has been officially excavated, and the preparatory committee of Nanyang College has invited all parties to officially hold the groundbreaking ceremony.

At the end of autumn, 412 delegates gathered at the Central Party Headquarters of the Mexican Party, and among these 412 delegates were not only the countrymen of the Republic, but also seven immigrants from the Ming Empire from the Great Wilderness City, including a woman; Two former slaves in the local slave city-state of the Great Wilderness City, and now the labor heroes of the Great Wilderness City who pick tobacco leaves.

In addition to the 412 delegates, there were also a number of observers from all over the country who came with the ship.

Including two former Confucian heretics, young literati of the pastoral sentimental patriarchal school of the Taizhou school of mind; a hired man from a Dutch shipyard who has not yet distinguished the difference between the future of the Mexican Party and the Kingdom of Church Heaven, but whose thoughts are approaching; and some of the various people who were invited to visit Minjun.

Many people attended the enlarged meeting with unprecedented enthusiasm, but soon the enthusiasm turned into confusion – many were moral good people, monastic practitioners, but not people who could understand the roots of the various currents of thought.

A few days before the official convention, a quarrel had already arisen.

This is a meeting of the transformation of a political party from a prototype to a full-fledged political party, and it will inevitably produce the "Constitution", "Manifesto", "Party Program", "Resolution on Current Work" and other contents that need to be adopted, but these contents can only be formulated and voted on at the end.

Most of the people at the congress were in Minjun, and they were enthusiastic about the establishment of the county council in Minjun, and they believed that this was a good time to realize their political ambitions in a place where "the original society already existed", so the first speech revolved around the various policies of Minjun in the future.

Since we want to be the council of Minjun instead of Mincheng, then the rural issue is a problem that cannot be bypassed.

In the final analysis, Mincheng has such a foundation: the new capitalists raised by Chen Jian, the commercial capital groups that started in the seafaring trade, the operational capitalist farmers who commoditized cotton and grain, and a large number of pure handicraftsmen and hired laborers, gave Mincheng the strength to use one city in Minjun County to fight against the old rural strata of Minjun County.

But how can control be extended from the cities to the countryside? Which way to stretch? Is it radical change or regulatory reform? Will it be alone or will it be surrounded by a new county council that will unite and compromise?

In order to counter the bourgeoisie's policy of "the funds of the county-owned shelter factories should be paid by the wealthy yeoman peasants in Min County and oppose the progressive taxation of industry and commerce" to provoke the peasants to suppress the urban unemployed, the Moxican Party, in order to gain the support of the peasants in the previous uprising of the handicraftsmen and the unemployed, made a joint commitment with the rest of the faction of the progressive alliance to "not raise taxes on the yeoman peasants and reduce the rent and interest of the landlords in the tenant system".

This promise led to the suppression of the uprising in the valley of the hydrotextile mills, when the bourgeoisie did not pull the peasants but could only rely on capital to recruit the power of the urban lumpenproletarians to fight back, the Mexican Party chose to be neutral and verbally condemned in the suppression, the wealthy yeoman farmers chose to stand by and watch from the sidelines, the daily wage agricultural workers were persuaded by the Mexican Party to not participate in the uprising in the valley of the hydrotextile mills, and the tenant farmers of the reserve force of the urban vagabonds did not choose to participate in the uprising in their hopes.

Although the county council is still preparing, this promise must be fulfilled, and if the promise is not fulfilled, then the Mexican party can only choose to break with the county council, otherwise it will lose the basis of rural support.

In Minjun, industrial and commercial capital and landlords already had the strength to wrestle their wrists.

The sooner the capitalist transformation of the countryside is carried out for them, the better, on the one hand, the cheaper hired labor and raw materials, on the other hand, the Nanyang Company's choice to merge with some big families in the capital has led to the surplus capital of the people who originally wanted to invest in the Nanyang Company to go deep into the rural land, the increase in land profits caused by the emergence of various new crops, and the inherent contradiction between capital profits and land rent, which allows them to agree with the movement of rent reduction and interest reduction in the countryside, which is also the bottom line of the Mexican Party's participation in the rule system of the county council.

The problem lies in the rural policy of reducing rents and interest rates in Minxian County, which is to be implemented in this plan, which still belongs to the category of improvement.

However, as soon as this issue was discussed, it caused a violent quarrel, and the parties disagreed with each other.

Party comrades from two different counties of Min County made a report on the rural survey on rent and interest reductions, and the tenant farmers in the two different counties unexpectedly gave feedback that was completely contradictory, with one county supporting and the other opposing.

It's not hard to see why.

These two counties, one is very close to the Minhe River and Mincheng, and it is easy for capital to penetrate and participate in commoditization; The other is far away from the Min River and Mincheng, poor and remote, and the capital is not looked down upon, and the tenant farmers cannot get out.

In the county very close to Mincheng, the capitalized land annexation is underway, and at this time, the rent reduction and interest reduction are to force the landlords to carry out land annexation - whether I run it myself or rent it to capitalists, it is definitely better to be so close to Mincheng than to rent it to you poor sticks. Aren't you engaged in rent and interest reduction? Then I won't rent it to you, you guys go to the city and eat.

Wouldn't it be nice for me to run my own business, hire workers, and participate in merchandising and selling for profit?

Moreover, now that a large amount of silver has flowed into Mincheng, the original monetary rent is no longer cost-effective.

However, tenants need to survive, and the previous uprising of the urban unemployed was a wake-up call - we support rent and interest reductions, but at the same time we have to establish a preferential or compulsory tenancy right.

You have reduced the rent and interest, and the landlord will not rent the land to us, what should we do? We don't need so many hired workers to operate large plots of land, so what do we eat and wear when we flock to the city? Can't survive the uprising and be crushed again?

The tenants asked the members of the Mexican Party who went to investigate, "Can you give our landlords a promise of rent and interest reduction within three generations, and at the same time three generations of permanent tenants?"

Not at the moment.

No, then we don't even support rent and interest reductions.

If we don't reduce rent and interest, we can still be tied to the land by usury like serfs, at least we can live. If we reduce rent and interest without the promise of eternal tenants, then we are free and free, and we may only choose to starve to death or wander freely.

In counties far away from the Mincheng and Minhe river communication lines, the situation is completely reversed.

There capital is too lazy to get involved, the cost of participating in commodity trading is too high, the landlords are risky to operate themselves, and the conservatism makes them prefer to collect rent.

Although land had long since been privatized and freely traded, the uninstitutional serfdom based on usury in the countryside still existed, nominally without serfs, but in reality everywhere.

In this kind of place, the tenant farmers will definitely support it greatly - anyway, it is not cost-effective for you to operate this land by yourself except for renting it to our tenant farmers, and the capital of Mincheng will not be willing to get involved, and it is not cost-effective for you landlords to take back the operation and rent it out. Of course, we tenant farmers are in favor of rent and interest reductions.

Capitalism is weak here, there are not many daily wage workers in agriculture, new seeding machines and ginning machines are not widely used, and the tenant system makes tenant farmers miserable, but at the same time, they do not see the darkness under capitalism like the counties very close to Fujian.

Even if the conservative landlords there were opposed, as long as the new council was still bourgeois-democratic, the Mexican Party could justifiably send working groups and pickets with guns to talk to the conservative landlords. 10