Somehow, Manturov was jealous and hated by Voznesensky. Pen & Fun & Pavilion www.biquge.info

He didn't want to have anything to do with Voznesensky, let alone any contradictions, or even conflicts, with the Leningrad faction behind Voznesensky.

The Leningrad faction, as a high-ranking member of the CPSU party, knew of course that the "leader" of this faction was Andrei Zhdanov, the second secretary of the CPSU Central Committee and first secretary of the Leningrad City Party Committee, and the "second brother" was Nikolai Voznesensky, the first deputy chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR (second in second rank).

In addition to Zhdanov and Voznesensky, Kosygin, who was the deputy prime minister at the time, and Alexei Kuznetsov, the second secretary of the Leningrad city party committee, were also core members of the Leningrad faction.

As for Alexander Shcherbakov, secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee and first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee, although he did not belong to any camp on the surface, he once served as the second secretary of the city party committee in Leningrad, and he also had certain contacts with Zhdanov, Voznesensky, and others, and his relationship was quite good, but it seemed that he had not yet reached the point of joining the Leningrad faction.

At that time, the forces of the Leningradites were very strong. As the second secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Zhdanov was second only to Stalin in the position of power in the party, and he also had greater power in the appointment and dismissal of personnel within the party.

Voznesensky was also a formidable character, as Chairman of the First Deputy Council of People's Commissars, he was second only to Stalin as chairman.

At this time, the Leningrad faction could be said to be powerful, and Zhdanov and Voznesensky respectively held the positions of second secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the second in command of the government, and held party power and political power. With the exception of Stalin and Beria, there was basically no one to compete with them in terms of strength.

In front of the Leningradists, Manturov was nothing at all.

In the government, Manturov was only a deputy prime minister in charge of construction and the development of heavy industry, ranking lower than Voznesensky, the first deputy prime minister.

Within the party, Manturov's highest position was only that of deputy chairman of the Central Supervision Commission (equivalent to deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection), and although he had the power to supervise party members, this power was not enough to shake Zhdanov, who was the second secretary of the CPSU Central Committee.

Thankfully, Manturov is not without an advantage. As vice chairman of the National Defense Committee and deputy People's Commissar of National Defense, he can also be regarded as the third in command of the army.

However, in that era when the party commanded the gun, the role of having military power was not great, and only with party power could the role of military power be brought into play.

Of course, Zhdanov and Voznesensky could not have been compared to Stalin. I am afraid that it is not so easy to rectify a person, especially a person who has made major contributions to national defense construction, and it is also necessary to have a reasonable basis and conform to the Basic Law.

In case the whole person's reasoning is not strong, and the "evidence" is deviated, then you have to be responsible!

Even so, in Manturov's view, with Zhdanov's ability, he can still get rid of a deputy state-level cadre like Manturov in accordance with the basic law, but it takes a long time and requires more energy to collect "criminal evidence".

Why? As a traverser, Manturov also knows a little about Zhdanov's "whole history".

In history, Zhdanov's biggest "achievement" was to take advantage of the Novikov case to get rid of Malenkov, remove Malenkov, a big celebrity around Stalin, from the position of secretary of the Central Committee, and send him to Uzbekistan to build a dam.

How could Malenkov stand such a humiliation? As a result, after he returned to Moscow and became the secretary of the Central Committee again, he began to attack Voznesensky and others, and together with Beria, Andreyev and others, he created a sensational Leningrad case, and wiped out the Leningrad faction, and Voznesensky and Alexei Kuznetsov and others were shot.

The main reason why Malenkov was rectified in the Novikov case was because he was in charge of the aviation industry during World War II, and the origin of this case was that Stalin's son, Vasily Dzhugashvili, complained to his father about the poor quality of aircraft production.

Since there was a problem in the production of aircraft, Malenkov, who was in charge of the aviation industry, had to bear the corresponding responsibility. It's just that all aspects of the Soviet industry had problems with the quality of production, so why are the people responsible for the production of tanks, the production of munitions, and the manufacture of ships okay?

Moreover, the quality of aircraft production in the USSR was not as good as that of the United States, but it was not too bad in any way. Besides, this problem was not discovered during the war, and it was not until after the war that it was brought out and rectified, which led to the purge of many high-ranking Soviet Air Force leaders, and Malenkov was relegated to Tashkent to build a dam.

The most suspicious thing is that in 1952, after Zhdanov's death, Stalin actually released Novikov and others, and rehabilitated them soon after. Malenkov was relegated to Tashkent, who benefited the most? Of course, his political enemies, the Leningrads, it seems unlikely that Zhdanov had nothing to do with the case.

Thinking of this, Manturov shuddered, if the Leningrad faction really wanted to attack him, he was afraid that he would be relegated to the grassroots like Malenkov.

Although he has done a good job in all his work, it is difficult to guarantee that people will not take advantage of some sesame mung bean mistakes to make trouble. Although he had Stalin's trust, this trust was not necessarily long-lasting. If the Leningrad faction attacks itself, with his status and political resources, it will probably be difficult for him to pass this hurdle.

It is not impossible to unite Voroshilov and Kaganovich, but Voroshilov has begun to lose power, Kaganovich refused to defend his younger brother for his own political interests, and watched his biological brother be arrested and then executed.

From this point of view, Kaganovich is not a trustworthy person, Voroshilov is not a reliable person, and in such a situation, Manturov really has no bottom.

So what to do? Waiting for Leningrad to attack itself? Of course not!

Now, all Manturov can do is to do his job well, to make sure that nothing goes wrong, to prevent others from finding any leverage, and at the same time to try to improve relations between himself and the Leningrad faction. But the question is, how to improve?