The year 1943 passed quickly, and it was undoubtedly the most glorious year in the history of the Soviet Red Army. Pen, fun, pavilion www. biquge。 info

Under the command of Stalin, Zhukov, Vasilevsky and others, the Soviet Red Army liberated all of Southeastern Europe, as well as Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and other Central and Eastern European countries, and began to advance towards Germany proper.

In the year, almost every day the newspapers published heroic deeds on the battlefield, the Soviet propaganda apparatus blamed the victory on the battlefield on the "great leadership of Stalin" and the wise command of Zhukov and others, while Manturov's exploits were gradually diluted, and his name appeared less and less frequently in the newspapers.

Some people with a "keen sense of politics" (especially some middle- and lower-level bureaucrats) thought that Manturov was beginning to lose ground in Soviet politics, while others thought that he was just a waste of fame, and that the credit for his previous achievements was nothing more than a blow-up.

In practice, however, Manturov's merits could not be buried at all, and his position in Stalin's mind and in the Kremlin power field grew higher and higher.

But in this case, he actually chose to keep a low profile and gave less and less interviews to the media. He left a lot of work to others, rarely grabbed credit himself, and maintained the style of light and simple in the past, and few people on the street could take others out.

He didn't do it because he was lazy and didn't want to do things, he kept a low profile simply because he didn't want to be high-profile, he didn't want to be too prominent.

As a traverser, he has learned some lessons from the history of the Soviet Union and some truths about being an official from the historical fate of different people.

In his historical impression, some high-profile Soviet cadres (such as Zhdanov, Voznesensky and others) did not end up very well, while low-key cadres (such as Suslov and Andropov) were often respected and trusted.

Moreover, he lived in the Stalin era, and Stalin, as the supreme leader, did not want anyone to overshadow him in any way, let alone allow anyone to enjoy higher prestige than him.

In terms of Manturov's merits, he can become a well-known "Hero of the Soviet Union" and "Hero of Socialist Labor" like Zhukov, and become the object of praise and praise by the people. But as a traverser, he knows what will happen to Zhukov in the future, and he knows the harm that prestige will bring.

So, after the development of the Soviet army was on track, Manturov reduced his military intervention, let it develop naturally, and deliberately downplayed his military achievements, giving all the credit to Stalin or those below who paid silently.

In this way, he was not only able to satisfy Stalin's personal pursuit of fame, but also to give more attention to the people below who paid silently, and at the same time to create a humble and capable image for himself, so as to gain Stalin's favor with him.

On the contrary, although Zhukov achieved fame and fame in his military victories and became known in the streets as the "Hero of the Soviet Union", his popularity in the army and among the masses was too great for Stalin to feel that his position was threatened.

So after the (historical) war, Stalin began to use various means to suppress Zhukov's prestige status, and promoted Bulganin, who had no military achievements, to marshal and served as Minister of Defense.

But no matter what Stalin did, he could not shake Zhukov's power and position, and as a result, Zhukov's position of power was used by Khrushchev (Khrushchev and Zhukov had a good relationship) and became a tool for Khrushchev to seize power.

In the final analysis, Zhukov is nothing more than a pure soldier, he does not understand politics, does not understand the cunning of people's hearts, only knows how to fight for his country and help his friends. He had no political ambitions, no political acumen, and it was difficult for him to pose much of a threat to those in power in the USSR, no matter how high his status was.

Manturov is different, he was originally a party and government cadre, and he not only has political acumen, but also has a certain political ambition (although this ambition is deeply hidden). As a party and government cadre, the higher the prestige and the greater the military power, the greater the threat to the ruler.

As early as 1942, Stalin was already jealous of Manturov's prestige and reputation in the army and defense industry, fearing that the more he contributed, the higher his prestige would become, and thus the support and trust of the army.

Anyone who has the support and trust of the military may use his military power to use his military power to overthrow the current ruler. Such examples are not uncommon in history, and only rulers who hold military power and enjoy prestige in the military can gain a solid position and maintain a solid rule.

Of course, Manturov was not a man with such great ambitions, he did not want to confront Stalin, and he was not capable of confronting Stalin, no matter how high his position and prestige in the army, it was impossible to shake Stalin's dominance.

Besides, he just won a few battles and helped to get better weapons and more supplies for the army, which was not to the point where tens of millions of soldiers in the whole army could be "loyal" to him.

However, Stalin, who had always been power-loving, was particularly sensitive to these matters, and he did not allow anyone to hold too much power and too high a position, and he wanted to firmly control the three major powers of the party, government, and army in his own hands, and ensure that everyone would only feel at ease and satisfied if they only listened to him.

Whether it was party power or political power, Stalin did not mind giving a little to others, as long as people were willing to do things and could do things well. No matter how well those people did their work and how well they accumulated a reputation in the party, they could not pose any threat to Stalin, the leader of the party and the government.

After all, the supreme personnel power of the party and the government is still in Stalin's hands, and most of the people in the Central Committee are on Stalin's side.

The Red Army, on the other hand, was a mixed force of nearly 10 million men, many of whom were hostile to Stalin (especially the officers who had been purged and then released, and the soldiers who had lost their loved ones to the purge).

In such a situation, even if someone can pull up a division, or even an army unit, it will bring unnecessary casualties to the Soviet military and civilians, and if it is not the border troops who rebel, but the Moscow Guards, the consequences will be unimaginable, and when the soldiers in Moscow rebel, I am afraid that Stalin's regime will be in jeopardy.

Therefore, in order to avoid Stalin's suspicion, Manturov simply resigned from all his posts in the Ministry of Defense and concentrated on becoming the head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee.

As for the affairs of the defense industry, he has basically explained to the relevant departments, and he doesn't need to worry too much about it at all, just let the people below do it.