Summer is not only the summer of summer, but also the summer of China. No matter how happy the cicadas are, they all make people associate cicadas and Xia as an inseparable one, but what's the use? Once the real frost comes, it will be just an instant death, and it will be useless.

Radicals know that their basic plate is those at the bottom, and many radical young people are full of sympathy for the bottom to agree with those radical ideas, but after all, they are utopian.

However, their original allies betrayed them, and they had to seek support from the Mexican Party, which had been denounced as "traitors" and "capitulationists".

After a series of secret negotiations and reconciliations between the two sides, the program drawn up by the radical group began to change in a direction that was acceptable to the Mexican party, which was not supported but theoretically not opposed.

For example, the land policy has also changed from the utopian division of land according to the population of the whole country to another utopian idea: "keep the large land system undivided, let the hired workers elect managers, set up joint farms, and redeem them in installments."

This subtle change immediately attracted the attention of the big mill owners in Mincheng, where unlike in the north, many new workshop owners and factory owners had little to do with the land, and their primitive accumulation was mainly based on the original small handicraft industry or going to sea, and the land question was not important to them.

But they understand what the PS is after, and once they agree with these radicals on the land issue, what will happen in the city? Since the land can be used to form a joint farm, what about the factory?

The townspeople respect ownership, and although the world they designed was extremely dissatisfying to these workshop owners, they did not dig up the roots.

But ownership is the root, these people are going to dig the roots, and obviously understand that it is impossible to achieve the goal by relying on these chaotic forces in Mincheng, and the issue of ownership is to declare war with the entire old era, which is obviously not ready to play within the rules, and is ready to set up another rule on the table.

The Mexican Party has not yet taken a thorough stance on these issues, or has made it clear before, but the future is too far away to be threatened.

In their opinion, what the Mexican Party has made clear before is like someone telling them not to burn coal anymore, otherwise the soot will cover the sky and the sun, and eventually everything will fall into dead silence. It's out of reach, but when one day you can vaguely feel that this threat really exists, that worry suddenly lingers in your heart, and it is difficult to erase it.

In fact, after the Mexican Party was stabbed in front of the parliament square a month ago, there is a deep sense of unhappiness within this naïve and still loose party that has not experienced a real big scene.

However, most people still believe that this time is far from ripe, and they firmly believe that they cannot be the leaders of social change at this time, but can only act as an alliance between the factory owners and the liberal class, and it is better to accelerate the productive change of society under reasonable and legal conditions, so as to create more opportunities.

Under this social change, any class that does not fit the new era will disappear, and the situation will only become more and more favorable for the future projected by the party. When more and more yeoman farmers go bankrupt, small producers go bankrupt, and more and more large farms, large workshops and large factories are established, the final form of a powerful force cannot be explained by the three words "ownership".

But today's conditions are far from enough, and even in Mincheng, the place closest to the new era, the strength is far from enough. Therefore, the best way at this time is to wait, to regain the dominance of the movement at the bottom, and to borrow the contradictions between the small burghers, the northern land tycoons and the power families, the factory owners, the liberals, and the extreme anarchists, and obtain the conditions for a smoother and more favorable future.

This is not something that can be decided at the top of the house, but because this party does not have an urgent pursuit of salvation and survival, and it has not penetrated deep into the countryside, and the backbone of the grassroots is all hired workers in factories and workshops.

The grassroots are not very interested in some of the goals, and they want more things like a 12-hour workday, a day off a decade, a higher minimum wage, a rebellion against piecework, and a blacklist for factory owners to tear up the strike blacklist.

What are they going to do with the things that the petty citizens are looking for, and who have destroyed the factories and the machines?

They are also reluctant to return to the utopian society of the ultra-radicals, after all these years of propaganda and the improvement of actual factories owned by the Mexican Party, and consider it hopeless.

However, the existence of a party requires a grassroots foundation, and it cannot be achieved by the assumptions of the upper strata. At least at this time, the Mexican Party was still nascent, naïve, and completely unprepared to do great things, and had no foundation for doing great things.

After several more violent internal controversies, the party leadership made a decision: to exploit the contradictions and strive for some progress. A temporary alliance with the factory owners to fight against the reactionary retreating burghers. Striving for dominance at the bottom, insisting on one's own independence, and forming an alliance does not mean unconditional compromise. As soon as the bourgeoisie and liberals are ready to flip the tables across the country, the parties will support them in flipping the tables, and then going one step further. However, in the process, it is also necessary to pursue the interests of the hired class, not to retreat unconditionally, and to choose allies according to the situation, including those who cannot be ignored by the small citizen class, who are only temporary enemies and not allies who may not be able to unite in the future.

The enemies and political allies at this stage have been determined, and the goals at this stage have been set, and all that remains is to rely on all kinds of tricks to do something less magnificent.

At the end of September, it was reported that the Central Committee of the Mexican Party had decided to give some members of the radical faction private interest-free aid loans, which could "legally" buy guns from the gun workshops, and it was even said that these radicals had bought a ship equipped with copper cannons from the Mexican Party and were buying artillery carriages for land use.

The radical street propaganda is also increasingly frightening to some, and the content of the propaganda has taken a considerable step towards attracting the most unemployed and rural unemployed workers who have migrated to the cities, and who are also the most supportive of radical policies, who have nothing but a life.

The attitude of the Mexican Party was not clear before, and it seemed to have completely abandoned the ridiculous election of the new council in Mincheng, except for expanding its base in various factories and docks, and preaching reform measures that were in the interests of the employees, it seemed to have completely abandoned the rest of the class.

But as ultra-radicals and the unemployed shouted absolute egalitarian slogans such as "a truly equal republic", a group of propagandists of the Mexican Party seemed to wake up.

The number of pickets suddenly increased in places such as the wharves, along the river, in the workshop areas, in the banks and stock exchanges, and in large numbers they were old pickets who had been involved in the miners' petition several years earlier, or who had been mobilized from the mines "at the request of the county guard".

These miners, who have been trained for several years, have not had a problem with firearms at all, and even some of the schools controlled by the Ink Party have taught many young people who have learned simple trigonometric functions in batches.

Carrying flintlock pistols and black armbands, the men increased their numbers at several important locations under the pretext of patrolling. Some of the properties controlled by Chen Jian and important masonry buildings also began to gather in large numbers of pickets from the mines.

Two ships legally armed with cannons began to dock in the Great Wilderness City fleet, unloading the cannons on board under the pretext of cleaning up the cannons, and sailors and interns wearing sea soul shirts and blue and white stripes also began to go ashore to rest.

Before this, no one knew how thick the foundation of the Mo Party was, only that many of Chen Jian's workshops relied on technology monopoly, even if some improvements were made in the factory, the money earned every year made countless people blush, and a large part of this money was donated to the party property in the past, except for the behemoth of Nanyang Company, there was no other capital force with such a strong force, but Nanyang Company was mainly profit-oriented, and did not train armed forces in batches and in a planned manner.

Once the muffled Mexican Party began to show its muscles, many people panicked, especially not knowing what the top brass of the Mexican Party was going to do.

In addition, Chen Jian and some high-ranking members of the party left Mincheng, although the reason was that he went north to the capital to go to the council to resume his life, but in this case, people have to think a lot.

Some people think that Chen Jian and these people went to the capital to make trouble? Is it really ready to flip the table, and on a national scale?

In fact, this is because the Mexican Party has used all its strength, which looks quite scary, but in fact, it can scare and scare people in Mincheng, and it has no ability to make trouble on a national scale at all, and it does not have that kind of foundation.

But just as the tiger saw the donkey for the first time, the hoof is enough to scare people, especially those who have been scared once by the ultra-radicals.

He was worried, worried that he had made a big mistake, he thought that these people from the Mexican Party would not make drastic moves, and there was still a possibility that the matter could be resolved.

He also did not think that after several years of development, the grassroots of the Mexican Party had developed so many people, and once the Mexican Party and those ultra-radical factions united, Mincheng would immediately fall into the hands of these people.

I sent someone to the party headquarters of the Mexican Party, and the reply I received was: "Because of the bloody clashes last time, which led to many casualties and chaos in Mincheng, in order to prevent this kind of thing from continuing to happen and maintain order in Mincheng, we have reasonably increased the number of people." As for the unloading of cannons from ships, that is also easy to explain, the cannons need to be cleaned and are prone to rust at sea, which is quite reasonable. The grain transported to Mincheng along the Min River is exactly the consistent charity of the Mexican Party, and it is also to stabilize grain prices and ensure the food supply of Mincheng, and there is no other plan. The several places where the guards are strengthened are all very important places, and they must not be chaotic, and once these places are in chaos, Mincheng will also be in chaos. ”

It was so reasonable and impeccable, but the big businessmen, maritime merchants, and factory owners in Mincheng couldn't sit still.

Listening to the street speeches of those ultra-radicals every day, I was already standing in two groups, and at this time, I saw these pickets of the Mexican Party, and I said that I had known this, and it was better to agree to build a county-owned factory to accommodate these low-level petitions, why did such a thing happen?

Seeing that the day of October 17 was approaching and rumors were growing, these people finally sent representatives to the central party headquarters of Mexico, which was most tired, and begged the two sides to sit down and have a good talk.

After the incident, the Mexican Party never took the initiative to contact those factory owners and big businessmen, and constantly made some remarks that made the other party extremely uncomfortable to listen to, profoundly exposing how they exploited them.

However, the more this happened, these people chose to take the initiative to join the central party headquarters of the Mexican party.

If you go up to the pole and ask for someone, it is always easy to be rejected. Sitting at home and waiting for someone to come on their own can make it much easier to talk about a lot of things.

However, this is not something to wait for, but to be won by various means, the more ruthless the scolding and the more aggressive the performance, the easier it is for the other party to take the initiative to contact. If you wait, you can only wait for a big mouth to be pumped in the face like the last petition and tell you what starvation freedom is.