More than ten days later, when Zhang Cheng was busy compiling military textbooks, Wang Xiaodao, a guard, came to report that Li Jinfeng, the owner of Jinfeng Commercial Bank, had come to pay a visit. Pen @ fun @ pavilion wWw. ｂｉｑUｇE。 ｉｎｆｏ

Zhang Cheng hurriedly put down the work in his hand and came to the meeting room of the headquarters to formally meet Li Jinfeng.

After Zhang Cheng came in, Xiao Li, who was in charge of the reception, reported: "Report to the commander, this is a guest who came to pay a visit to you, please instruct." ”

"Very good, you go down first, get ready for tea." Zhang Cheng waved his hand, and Xiao Li retreated, preparing tea.

Zhang Cheng laughed, stepped forward and clasped Li Jinfeng's hands tightly, and after a few words of greeting, he sat down and began to discuss.

Both of them are old acquaintances, and Zhang Cheng is not polite, so he went straight to the point and said: "I have a single business, I don't know if you dare to do it?" I'm going to buy a lot of raw materials such as steel, brass, sulfur, etc., which are worth about a million oceans, and that's the list. ”

Li Jinfeng took the list, and after only a glance, he knew that these were contraband items that the Kuomintang had strictly forbidden to flow into the Soviet base areas. However, since Li Jinfeng dared to come to Zhangcheng, he was also a bold figure.

Not to mention the iron law of the business world of "seeking wealth and danger", just the creed of "strange goods can live" that Li Jinfeng believes in is enough to make him willing to take risks. In Li Jinfeng's heart, the Workers' and Peasants' Party is a "strange product" comparable to the proton aliens of the Qin State back then.

At present, the Kuomintang seems to be powerful, but compared with the vigor and honesty of the Workers' and Peasants' Party, he prefers to believe that it will be the Workers' and Peasants' Party that will dominate China in the future.

The icing on the cake can't be compared to charcoal in the snow.

Li Jinfeng did not hesitate, and quickly accepted the business, promising that the raw materials would be delivered on time within a month, and was willing to add two percent more to the original volume of goods, which was considered a free gift, as a donation from Jinfeng Commercial Bank to the Workers' and Peasants' Party.

Li Jinfeng was so generous, Zhang Cheng naturally laughed at it, but he did not let Li Jinfeng suffer a big loss, and opened several letters of introduction in a row, with these letters, Li Jinfeng's business bank could be unimpeded in the Soviet area.

Li Jinfeng was immediately overjoyed, and then the two talked happily, and Zhang Cheng also revealed to Li Jinfeng that when he came over next time, he would definitely give him a big surprise.

Li Jinfeng was naturally very curious about Zhang Cheng's surprise, but under questioning, Zhang Cheng smiled and said nothing, and refused to say anything, so Li Jinfeng had to give up.

After lunch and sending Li Jinfeng away, Zhang Cheng pondered: The stockings and bikinis have to be brought out quickly, otherwise how can they cheat the money of the Chinese people. There is also a militaristic weapon to save wounded soldiers, penicillin, which has to be studied in a faster way.

At the beginning of December, the Party Central Committee in Yan'an received exciting news that Comrade Zhang Hao, the new representative of the Comintern, came to Yan'an and conveyed the latest instructions of the Comintern to the Party Central Committee.

Zhang Hao, formerly known as Lin Yuying, was the cousin of Lin Husan, the commander of the First Red Army, and a native of Linjia Dayuan Village, Huilongshan Town, Tuanfeng County, Huanggang City, Hubei Province, and was the leader of the early workers' movement of our party.

In January 1933, Comrade Zhang Hao was ordered to go to Moscow to serve as the representative of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions to the Red Workers' International and the Central Committee of the Workers' and Peasants' Party to the Comintern.

In July 1935, the Seventh Congress of the Comintern was held. In order to convey the spirit of the Seventh Congress of the Comintern to the Party Central Committee, which was on the way to the Long March, the Comintern decided to send Zhang Hao back to China.

Zhang Hao entered the country from Outer Mongolia, disguised himself as a businessman, carried a cipher code, rode a camel, trekked through mountains and rivers, and after more than a month, passed through the vast desert, and finally came to Yan'an, the seat of the Party Central Committee, in northern Shaanxi, and found the Party Central Committee, which had long lost telecommunications ties with the Comintern.

At the important moment of the life and death of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Party, Comrade Zhang Hao brought back the important instructions of the Comintern and played an extremely important historical role.

The arrival of Comrade Zhang Hao was undoubtedly a major event in the history of the Workers' and Peasants' Party, and the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Party thus resumed its ties with the Comintern.

What made the commander-in-chief and the new leaders of the Party Central Committee even more excited was that the Comintern fully agreed with the political line of the Central Committee of the Workers' and Peasants' Party and fully affirmed the correctness of the strategic policy of the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Party's march north to resist Japan.

In addition, Comrade Zhang Hao also played an important role in the formation of the anti-Japanese national united front.

On December 25, 1935, the Party Central Committee held an enlarged meeting of the Politburo in Wayaobao, at which Comrade Zhang Hao conveyed the spirit of the Seventh Congress of the Communist International and the content of the August 1 Declaration, laying the ideological foundation for the basic strategy of the anti-Japanese national united front of the Communist Party of China.

Subsequently, the central leaders had a heated discussion on the major changes in China's current political situation and the military strategy of the Red Army.

After the September 18 Incident, in the summer of 1935, Japanese imperialism stepped up its aggression against North China with the direct aim of annexing the five provinces of North China.

At this time, the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Party was faced with a new situation of changing from an agrarian revolutionary war to a national revolutionary war. Therefore, the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Party must correct their political tactics in order to meet the needs of the overall interests of the Chinese nation and shoulder the heavy historical task of resisting Japan and saving the country.

Finally, the meeting adopted the Resolution on the Present Political Situation and the Party's Tasks.

The resolution pointed out that the Party's strategic line is to mobilize, reunite and organize all revolutionary forces of the whole China and the whole nation to oppose the main enemy of the moment, the Japanese imperialist and traitorous leader Chang Kaishen, and put forward that "the doctrine of closing the door is the main danger within the Party."

At the same time, in order to meet the requirements of the broad anti-Japanese united front, the resolution stipulated that the "workers' and peasants' republic" should be changed to "people's republic" and that some policies that did not meet the requirements of the anti-Japanese struggle should be changed.

The Commander-in-Chief then made a report on military issues.

In the report, the commander-in-chief made an incisive analysis of the two-faced nature of the national bourgeoisie and the possibility of exploiting the contradictions within the landlord-comprador camp.

The commander-in-chief pointed out: "In the camp of the Kuomintang, at a time when the national crisis has reached a serious juncture, there will be a split. To sum up this question of class relations, it is to say that the basic change brought about by Japanese imperialism into China headquarters has changed the mutual relations between the various classes in China, expanded the power of the national revolutionary camp, and weakened the power of the national base.

Therefore, the party's basic strategic task is to establish a broad national revolutionary united front, organize millions of people, and mobilize a mighty revolutionary army. ”

On the basis of the commander-in-chief's report, the meeting adopted the "Resolution of the Central Committee on Military Strategic Issues," which put forward the strategic guidelines for the Red Army's actions: to combine the civil war with the national war, to prepare for direct combat forces against Japan, and to violently expand the Red Army.

After the meeting, in accordance with the spirit of the resolution of the Wayaobao Conference, the commander-in-chief delivered a report entitled "On the Tactics of Opposing Japanese Imperialism" at a meeting of party activists on 27 December, which further expounded the party's strategy and policy of the anti-Japanese national united front in theory and practice.

As a result, the anti-Japanese and national salvation movement led by the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Party was vigorously launched.