"Agreed!" Andropov, Chernenko, Serov, Ustinov all nodded. Pen @ fun @ pavilion wWw. ｂｉｑUｇE。 info for them.

During the Brezhnev era, Suslov finally gained the supreme power to call the wind and rain to influence the political situation. This was the golden age of his career as a "gray cardinal". After Khrushchev's retirement, he was the fourth man after the troika. After Brezhnev purged the leaders who had not taken him seriously and stabilized the political situation, Suslov soon rose to the position of de facto number two, firmly controlling the domestic, diplomatic, and ideological powers.

Khrushchev could not do without Suslov, and if he wanted to use his professional ability and experience in cultural forms to help him manage his ideological work, Brezhnev could not do without Suslov, and the general secretary had almost zero ideological authority.

With the exception of Khrushchev, no one in the Central Presidium opposed Stalin, believing that most of the Soviet Union's achievements were closely related to Stalin, and that after Khrushchev's retirement, it was imperative to re-establish Stalin's image. Brezhnev could not do this, and neither did Sherepin and Kosygin. No one can take the place of Suslov in re-thinking the Soviet Union's own ideas, rejecting some pro-Western ideas of the Khrushchev era.

Suslov's influence also spread across every other area where change was desired, either to sabotage or to suppress. All these acts of conservatism took place under the supervision of Suslov, the great steward of thought, and under the circumstance that the Soviet system, in which every matter was interrogated by the Central Committee and decided by those in charge, the second secretary of course had to take full responsibility for the re-Stalinization of the Soviet Union. So far, it seems, Suslov is doing very well.

A few days later, the bust of Suslov was completed, and the funeral began at the same time, Brezhnev, as a great leader, naturally did not need to carry the coffin of the second secretary, but this time the funeral was the treatment of the general secretary, which was far more solemn than when Khrushchev died, so other members of the Central Presidium came forward and carried Suslov's coffin and buried Suslov in Red Square.

When the coffin fell, Serov, who was standing side by side with Andropov, Chernenko, and Ustinov, clearly heard the wheezing sound of several old people around him, for this group of old men, this kind of physical work is indeed more fatal, Serov silently said in his heart, "This is the first ......"

Soon there will be a second, a third, a fourth. If we count Kosygin, who died a year ago, and Podgorny, who died a year later, in the Soviet Union in history, in three years, Chairman of the Council of Ministers Kosygin, Second Secretary Suslov, General Secretary Brezhnev, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Podgorny, General Secretary Andropov, General Secretary Chernenko, and Defense Minister Ustinov died one after another. The cadres of other members of the Presidium of the Central Committee have not yet been counted.

Just as Reagan was regrouping in the United States for a decisive battle with the Soviet Union, this kind of thing happened in the Soviet Union. It is really unlucky, of course, the most unfortunate thing is that while important Soviet cadres died one after another, Ge Tutu was on the rise.

Footage of the funeral was broadcast nationwide on the evening news, and important cadres of all party states spoke positively of Suslov, and dozens of countries sent telegrams expressing their condolences. Suslov's death also had an impact on Brezhnev, and as for how much of an impact Serov does not know, but the general secretary was indeed depressed for several days in a row.

And most importantly, who will fill the vacancy in Suslov, in other words, who will be the next heir, and who will be the second secretary to become the USSR to build the USSR ideology? Brezhnev is so old, whoever is the second secretary, at least if Brezhnev does not object, is almost ironclad the next general secretary.

"I think only Comrade Andropov is capable of this!" In the evening at Andropov's home, Foreign Minister Gromyko, Defense Minister Marshal Ustinov, KGB Chairman Serov, and Andropov himself, the heads of the four departments sat together.

"You also know that Comrade Chernenko also wants to sit in this position." Andropov said noncommittally.

"Chernenko has always been a coordinator, and it doesn't seem very appropriate to be an ideological authority." Foreign Minister Gromyko's language was tactful, like a diplomatic rhetoric. But the actual meaning is translated from the rigid language of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which is a very simple meaning, no!

Chernenko has been Brezhnev's longest-serving comrade-in-arms since the dismissal of the secretary of the Central Committee Kirilenko. In other words, the number two of the Dnipro gang. Isn't it enough for Brezhnev himself to be general secretary? And to let another Dnipro gang boss come again? In a country as big as the USSR, apart from the Dnipro gangsters, there are no other cadres who are capable? Not to mention others, the four leaders of the four powerful departments absolutely disagree.

"Comrade Chernenko is accustomed to following instructions, and not making decisions on his own." Serov rubbed his nails and said quietly, "In all aspects, he is inferior to Comrade Andropov, is it because he is an old subordinate of the general secretary that we push him up?" This is not in line with the principle of collective leadership. ”

Soon, the attitude of the four on this matter reached a consensus, approving Andropov as the second secretary.

There has been a lot of speculation surrounding the selection of the second secretary, and Brezhnev knew that this matter could not be delayed. It's not a few years ago, and to put it mildly, he himself could die of illness at any time.

A few days after Suslov's death, Brezhnev summoned all the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee, and the first secretary of the Ukrainian party committee, Serbitsky, and the first secretary of the Kazakh party committee, Kunaev, also rushed to Moscow from their localities. Present at the meeting, including the neutral first secretary of the Moscow City Party Committee Grishin and the first secretary of the Leningrad City Party Committee Romanov.

They are all decision-makers in the Soviet political circle, of course, they know that this meeting is of great significance, and it can even be said that it will decide the fate of the Soviet Union in the future, but in fact, Serov does not think that Chernenko is Andropov's opponent, and Andropov has suppressed Chernenko in all aspects.

Even Chernenko's big brother, Kirilenko, is no match for Andropov, let alone him.

At the beginning of the meeting, the atmosphere was somewhat unusual, as it seemed to be sitting together and discussing, but in fact it was already clear.