After the four theoretical things, the remaining program is pragmatic, divided, compromised, reconciled interests, and cleared of the remnants of feudalism and any rules and regulations that are not conducive to the development of capitalism.

In order to win over the peasants and the inflow of capital into the rural areas, and to prove that the new forces in Min County are capable of solving the rural problems in a programmatic manner, the Mexican Party proposed on the land issue that rent should be reduced, the legal land rent should be strictly enforced, and tenant peasant associations should be formed.

It's a trap for tenant farmers, and a gun for landowners who live on tenant rent.

The yeoman peasants remained neutral on this, did not support or oppose it, on the contrary, because of some activities of the Mexican Party in the neighboring countryside and the development of capitalism in Fujian, the life of the yeoman farmers was temporarily good, and the new agricultural implements and the installment model of harvesting and planting horse-drawn machinery made them generally sympathize with the Mexican Party.

The big landowners were certainly against it, but the bourgeoisie supported it, because lower rents meant higher operating profits.

Although Mincheng is only one of the 36 counties in the country, in Minjun, it is already a behemoth, and it can compete with the surrounding countryside with the strength of a city - it can't be put in the whole country, but it can be done in this county. In Min County, if you control Mincheng, Nan'an, and coal and iron mining areas, you will control the entire Min County.

The capitalists have gradually grown up, and the old landlords oppose it, so it is inevitable to see whose fist is bigger. This is not the north, and there is not such a strong land rent family power.

Moreover, some landowners have also seen the profitability of things like cotton, mulberry, rice, tobacco, etc., which, together with the use of new machinery and ginning machines, have given them the opportunity to switch to business and no longer depend on rent.

Become an agrarian capitalist who exploits surplus value, not a feudal landlord who exploits rent. That's a huge step forward.

As for the old-fashioned landlords who live on rent, once the Mexican Party begins to gain the authority of the new council to go deep into the countryside to carry out a grassroots movement to reduce rent, these landlords will face the resistance of the tenant farmers, and the tenant farmers will soon be organized.

In the long run, the consequence of the rent reduction movement was the elimination of tenant farmers. Since the land rent is much lower than before, what do you need tenant farmers to do? Driving out the tenant farmers to run their own businesses, recovering the tenant farmers' land for wage labor on large farms, or renting it directly to capitalists who want to operate on a large scale is an option, far better than tossing with the tenant farmers.

However, it will take five or even ten years for this effect to be felt, when the development of overseas markets and the development of Mincheng will be carried out, and a large number of tenant farmers will either become farm workers or flow into Mincheng, which has a more complete relief system. At that time, the great development of Mincheng could also accommodate a larger population, provide cheaper labor for the capitalists, and increase the power of the proletariat.

If the city cannot accommodate it, it can only develop into absolute egalitarianism. If the city can accommodate it, then it can bring some bloody transitions. It is not absolute, it should be adapted to local conditions.

The semi-serf tenant system, which concealed the personal control of feudalism and usury, was the old relations of production, and of course it had to be eliminated, and it had to be done for the help of the new capitalists.

In the city, it can be supported by the operating capitalists, recognized by some kind radical young people, and sympathized with by the majority of the burghers.

In the countryside, yeoman farmers are neutral, operating farms are neutral, tenant farmers are supportive, and old-fashioned landlords are opposed. The old landlords were either transformed into capitalists who forced the tenant peasants out of the cities and left them to wander the cities, or they were killed by the endless tenant peasant uprisings.

The reason why the Mexican Party did not go deep into the countryside before was because it had no legitimacy at that time, and the reality determined that at this time it did not have the ability to lift the table and not have the opportunity to take risks, so it could only play within the framework for the time being and help the capitalist system that was still growing to be established.

This is also the way that the new council must take from the legislative and power organs of Mincheng to the legislators and power organs of Minjun. It was also the first step in the capitalist transformation into the countryside to sweep away the few feudal remnants in the new southern counties.

If you can't get out, the new council in Mincheng will only be the new council in Mincheng.

Corresponding to the land system was the repeal of the Min County Prohibition of Free Movement Act. The capacity of the city was considered at the internal meeting of the Mexican Party, and it should be able to accommodate it within a county, considering the future problems of infrastructure and immigration, as well as the loss of production in overseas markets.

The only problem is that the number of people in the cities is increasing, and the competition among the hired class is increasing.

The abolition of the strike blacklist united by the factory owners and the struggle for the minimum wage and the 12-hour working day will become more and more difficult in the short term, and the only way to do this is to increase organizational leadership and not to give others the opportunity to divide and disintegrate and foster a group of elite workers and yellow-paper window employers' associations, and the focus of the workers' movement in the future will be on the struggle for the leadership of the employees.

In the long run, it will be beneficial to the strata represented by the party, but in the short term, it will be difficult to make such a decision without a sound program and future goals.

Although the short-term cost is huge, it is a must for a party called Futurist, which is in line with the party's program and future vision.

These two programs can basically be supported and not opposed within Fujian, and they can be regarded as a means of controlling and transforming the rural areas.

It was certain that it was a bourgeois revolution, but it was reluctantly led by the anti-bourgeois Hired Labor Party.

With regard to the interests of those strata in Mincheng, the Mohamcan Party had to win the support of the rest of the strata in addition to the county-owned factories and investment in infrastructure to reform capitalism by means of reforming capitalism.

For example, the assessment qualifications for public positions in Min County recognize that the academic qualifications of the new-style schools in Min County are equivalent to those of those old schools in China, so as to obtain the support of a large number of students who have grown up with basic courses such as natural knowledge and political economy in recent years.

Since the north does not give these people the qualifications to be officials, and does not recognize the legitimacy of these academic qualifications, then Min County must recognize them, and use them as a basis for the evaluation of public affairs officers in the constituency.

In order to gain the support of the class of Mr. Enlightenment and the teachers of the Enlightenment Academy, a part of the salary was converted into the necessities of life in kind, including food and coal, in addition to the normal salary, so that this class could maintain a stable life with minimal influence from speculators.

These are two very realistic things, the support of the students and their willingness to devote themselves to public office under the passion of revolution and freedom; The faculty will also support the fact that for them the fluctuations in food prices and necessities affect their lives too much, and that they face the harvest of grain speculators every time they are paid, they are more pragmatic than those esoteric programs.

In order to have the support of some, it must be opposed by some.

On the issue of food, the Mohamcan Party proposed a maximum price of three times the normal price of grain, and if this price is exceeded, heavy fines will be imposed, and if necessary, punishment and even imprisonment and exile depending on the amount of hoarding.

The new system of evaluating the officials of affairs is also bound to threaten some semi-feudal hereditary officials, that is, officials. But their opposition was ineffective, because they had to face the competition of a large number of supernumerary young students who had been trained for nearly a decade.

And on some of the issues of the new era, they, the people of the old era, do not handle them as well as these young people. The purpose of these eight years ago, batch training, over-enrollment, and spending a lot of money to control the education of the academy is to dig up the roots on this day, and eat hairless meat like a butcher without Zhang, it is nothing more than that they are not so skilled in dealing with problems in a short period of time, and they will be trained in three years and two years.

Since the Mexican Party wants to do things based on the new council in Mincheng, it is indispensable to pay taxes from the new council. No government does not need to collect taxes, but there is a government that must collect taxes, and it is a local tax that can be used by Min County after the whole council has been agreed upon, compromised.

Take the lead with a huge party estate, bleed some of your own blood and pay a certain amount of progressive taxes; On the basis of the large ticket rights of the lower class and the small citizens, a small progressive tax was levied without prejudice to the normal accumulation and competitive advantage of the factory owners; Taking advantage of the infrastructure of the soon-to-be-established county-owned factories and the imminent arrival of a large amount of capital in Mincheng, real estate and real estate are regarded as an important adjustment income in the county; Putting the tax revenue from the stamp trade at the disposal of the County Council...... Gather as much wool as possible, and let the sheep cry as little as possible.

Such a tax policy must be supported from below, and once the situation stabilizes, the capitalists will inevitably turn back to deal with these problems after they are sure that the old forces will not fight back for the time being.

This, in turn, requires freedom of the press and the right of association, so that it can make its voice heard, that it can maintain its power and that it can resist and deter at any time.

In dealing with freedom of the press, it is hoped that the new parliament will approve the abolition of the censorship system of press deposits, improve the boundaries of freedom, and pass the review as long as it does not promote speech that splits the republic.

The censorship of the press deposit system is very annoying, and if you don't have money, you can't speak out, and if you have money, you often face fines, and this kind of freedom must be fought for for a revolutionary party, not a ruling party.

The right of association must also be preserved, the flintlock pistol is most suitable for revolution and barricade warfare at the bottom, and it is also the time when the gap between the weapons of the government army and the insurgents is the smallest.

In the event of a major event in the future, or if the entire Min County or the surrounding coastal counties completely turn the tables into a bourgeois revolution to seize power, these burghers and hired workers who have experienced several street politics and barricade battles will be a powerful armed force. It was the cavalry that was too secondary, so as not to form a blood feud with the wealthy yeoman farmers in the north.

The bad consequence is that there will be more and more debates in the newspapers in Fujian, and the struggle for the right to speak will become more and more complicated, and we will have to face a counterattack by various factions competing for the right to speak, and the form of struggle may be several times more complicated than before.

Pickets caused by associations and gun-toting often fight with the Einsatzgruppen of the ruffians who collect money, and even if they do not shoot, street fights are bound to increase day by day, and they must be careful to be disarmed under the pretext of being disarmed.

However, as long as the Mexican Party's party property has not been confiscated, the Mexican Party's association has not been declared illegal, there is no bill prohibiting the association of Mexican elements, Chen Jian's firearms and explosives workshop is still working on reserves regardless of the cost, and the overseas schools in Dahuang City still train a large number of reserve artillery and barricade grenadiers every year.

There are pros and cons in everything, and most of the programs cover all aspects of the future of Mincheng.

In addition to these compromises and concessions for profit, those who offended people were also offended, and all kinds of old privileged guilds were swept away, but some members of the old guild organizations that industry could not replace were supported.

With the party property and the mortgaged canal management rights and the operation rights of Turtle Island, the second bank in Mincheng was established, and the first bank was united to ask the new council for permission to mint coins and issue banknote tokens.

The establishment of the Party Industry Bank was mainly to provide loans to industry and handicrafts, strictly forbade participation in businesses with excessive profits and overseas investment, ensured that the industry and handicraft industries in Mincheng had capital support, prevented a large amount of capital from flowing into trade and overseas, and also ensured the continued development of the basic industry and handicraft industry in Mincheng and the factory owner class in which the capitalists could unite against the old forces.

As for the remaining proposals for the construction of a canal to the iron ore area, the installment payment of agricultural horse-drawn machinery, and the construction of a fortress for self-defense, they were some of the long-term policies after the establishment of the council, and they were also for the development of party-controlled construction and cement calcination and the upcoming establishment of the joint investment company in minerals, metallurgy and infrastructure.

As soon as the whole set of 73 articles of the program is propagated and promulgated, those who can unite have been united, those who can be offended have been offended to death, those who are neutral have also remained neutral, and those who oppose it can only oppose it with their mouths for the time being.

If we take a firm stance and do not compromise without a bottom line, the problem will be much clearer.

The interests of the hired class, which is the basic plate, occupy the second half of the programme, and a large part of it has been determined in the party discussions that it is unlikely to be adopted—the factory owners oppose it, not to mention the remnants of the old class who have offended the dead ones, the small burghers who have just been stabbed in the flesh will surely take the opportunity to return it, and the rentier landlords, who have offended for capitalist agriculture, will also spread their resentment on the Mexican Party that has put forward the programme of rent reduction......

However, it is still worth it on the whole, and the change of voting power and the joint compromise of the civilian council are the most rare progress, and the road has to be taken step by step.

With three days to go before the election of the new council on 17 October, the Mexican Party, with its silver coins, years of organization, picket guns, long-standing reputation and a moderately progressive bourgeois program, is unlikely to gain absolute superiority in power, but it can at least unilaterally gain a third of the veto.

The time for the certainty has finally come on the 17th, and according to this situation, the irreconcilable and uncompromising opponents who want to change the established facts are left to flip the table and refuse to admit it.