Chapter Seventy-Eight: The Council of Governors

Nanjing's importance lies not in its military status, but in its political significance, as the ancient capital of the Six Dynasties, the most important political city in the south, fell into the hands of the revolutionaries, which for the Qing court meant the complete fall of the south. Pen? Interesting? Pavilion wWw. biquge。 On the surface, this has led to a north-south confrontation.

The news of Nanjing's recovery spread and the impact on all parties in the country was even greater than that of the Wuchang Uprising.

When Zaifeng, who was far away in Beijing, heard the news, his eyes suddenly went dark. Although Yuan Shikai is now the prime minister of the cabinet, he himself will be an idle prince after stepping down, but in any case, he is also the biological father of Emperor Puyi of Xuantong, the royal family of the dignified Qing Dynasty, and he still cares very much about the ancestors of the country.

When he came to the palace, he saw the Empress Dowager Longyu who was crying with the little emperor in her arms, Zaifeng's mind was blank, and he didn't say anything at the moment, and staggered out of the palace alone. At this time, the Manchu nobles and nobles all had no idea, Zaifeng could go out, but they couldn't, one by one, with sad faces, only the Queen Mother Longyu sobbed from time to time.

Different from the sad face and crying in the palace, Yuan Shikai, who received the news of the occupation of Nanjing by the revolutionary party, only frowned slightly, and the fall of Nanjing was itself in his expectation, and it can also be said that it was his intention. In order to create pressure on the palace, so that this court can be at the mercy of him Yuan in the future.

At this time, Yuan Shikai's mind was different from when he first came out of the mountain. At the beginning, his mind was very simple to take advantage of the power of the revolutionary party to re-emerge and seize power in the court, but the situation has developed so far that it is different. It was when Huang Xing was supervising the war in Hubei, and he sent a telegram to Yuan Shikai, to the effect that he was nothing more than calling on Yuan Shikai to support the republic, to look forward to China's Washington, and to imply that he could be described as the president of the new Republic of China. Later, he received some promises from the Kuomintang to make him the president, which made Yuan Shikai's mind begin to liven.

To be the head of a country, such a temptation, who doesn't want to, who won't be tempted! Who can say no! That's really your own master, you don't have to be like now, there is a little emperor above who needs to serve yourself.

Yuan Shikai's thinking also caused the Beiyang Army to act slowly in various places at present, and it was slow to solve the Southern Kuomintang Party, and with his intentional or unintentional connivance, the Southern Revolutionary Party has become imposing, and 14 of the 18 provinces in Guannai have been owned by the Revolutionary Party.

Don't mention what Yuan Shikai is thinking and what kind of fight. The first meeting of provincial representatives of the southern provinces in the British Concession of Hankow was also officially convened.

For this provincial governor's representative meeting, there are still a lot of waves. This is also mixed with the overt and covert power struggle between the Hubei Military Government and the Jiangsu-Zhejiang Alliance. A fierce struggle began for the leadership of the revolutionary group. For the loose political alliance of the League, although there is no military achievement, it is common for them to compete for power.

As early as November 11, after the shuttle activities of Zhang Jian, Zhao Fengchang and others, Cheng Dequan, the governor of Jiangsu, and Tang Shouqian, the governor of Zhejiang, came forward to join forces with Chen Qimei, the governor of Shanghai, to invoke the example of the "Ten States Conference" held during the American Revolutionary War, and proposed that the southern provinces should send a representative to Shanghai from the old Consultative Bureau and the current Governor's Office, which would be used to negotiate the establishment of provisional organs and internal and external methods. The next day, Cheng Dequan and Tang Shouqian, in the name of Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces, sent a telegram inviting the provinces of the whole country to send representatives to Shanghai to discuss the organization of a provisional government.

But in this way, Li Yuanhong, who was on the front line of Hubei's resistance to the Beiyang Army, was not satisfied, and Li Yuanhong at this time had long since lost the panic of being coerced to take up the post of governor at the beginning of the uprising. After receiving the telegram from Jiangsu and Zhejiang, Li Yuanhong immediately felt a little annoyed and angry, knowing that as early as November 9, he sent a telegram inviting representatives of various provinces to Wuchang to hold a meeting to prepare for the formation of a provisional government. Now the people of the League are preparing to convene representatives of various provinces in Shanghai, where will Wuchang, the land of the first righteousness, put the face of himself, the father of the first righteousness?

At this time, representatives from Zhejiang, Jiangsu, Fujian, Hunan, and other provinces and autonomous regions had already arrived in Shanghai, while representatives from Jiangxi and Guangdong provinces and autonomous regions had already arrived in Hubei. Before the revolution was won, it was divided into two factions because of the struggle for power.

The Communist Progressive Party, which is far away in the southwest and is immersed in large-scale economic construction, will certainly not miss this kind of thing. After receiving an invitation and adopting a resolution, a delegation of the four United Provinces was also dispatched. Because Sichuan is relatively close to Hubei, the Communist Progressive Party delegation rushed to Wuchang. Li Yuanhong, who was resentful of the League, was immediately lifted by the spirit of the Communist Progressive Party delegation after the arrival of the delegation, and gave him a warm reception in order to gain the support of the Communist Progressive Party, who was also the head of the Communist Party. With their support, it would be much smoother for themselves and Jiangsu and Zhejiang to compete for the leadership of the revolution and lay the foundation for their future position.

Obviously, although there is still a large army of the Beiyang Army outside, Li Yuanhong's personal ambitions are not small at all, and they have been unprecedentedly inflated.

On the 15th, after the first meeting of the representatives of Jiangsu and Fujian who arrived in Shanghai and the representatives of Shanghai, the sign of "Federation of Representatives of Provincial Governors" was officially displayed. He also called Li Yuanhong and asked him to inform him of the resolution on the meeting address in Shanghai. At this time, he had already gathered half of the representatives of the recovered provinces in Hubei, and he thought that with their support, how could he agree to their conditions when he was full of confidence and had a straight waist. At that time, two representatives, Ju Zheng and Tao Fengji, were sent to Shanghai to mobilize representatives from various provinces to Hubei to hold a meeting.

After some persuasion, representatives of 11 provinces arrived in Hubei, formally convened a meeting in the British Concession in Hankow, promulgated the "Outline of the Organization of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China," and made the decision to promote Yuan Shikai as the president if he was anyway. At this time, the news of Nanjing's occupation by the revolutionary party had already arrived, and the delegates, who were overjoyed, soon decided at the meeting to designate Nanjing as the seat of the provisional government, and because of the urgent military situation in Wuchang, the meeting was also moved to Nanjing.

On December 12, the representatives of the fifteen provinces arrived in Nanjing, and the meeting of the governors of the provinces continued to be held, and after the election of Tong Erhe as the speaker, preparations for the election of the provisional president began. At this time, another contradiction came to the fore, that is, the choice of the interim president. With Sun Yat-sen, the prime minister of the Alliance, there is naturally no problem on the Alliance's side, after all, no one has a prestige comparable to him. However, because some revolutionaries had promised Yuan Shikai that if he supported the republic, he would be promoted as the president, so that some delegates at the meeting proposed to elect Yuan Shikai as the provisional president. Things have come to this point, of course, there is only a quarrel, and if there is no result after the quarrel, then the election can only be postponed.

Leaving this issue aside, immediately afterwards, at the suggestion of Chen Qimei of the League, the provincial deputies decided to elect Huang Xing as generalissimo and Li Yuanhong as deputy marshal, and the generalissimo was responsible for organizing the provisional government. Of course, the representatives of the League have no opinion on Chen Qimei's proposal, what is the purpose of their revolutionary party being born and dying and desperately fighting, isn't it just for the leadership of the revolution? But the representative of the alliance has no opinion, that doesn't mean that others have no opinion, not to mention that Li Yuanhong has not had time to say that the constitutionalist soldiers in Jiangsu and Zhejiang immediately attacked Huang Xingqun, what is Huang Xing, in addition to being famous, what else can he do? Without mentioning the defeats in the early years, let's just say that the first Hankou and then Hanyang a few days ago, why should he be the generalissimo?

In this way, even if the representatives of the League are insisting, it is difficult to say anything, after all, the facts are there. In desperation, he had no choice but to elect Li Yuanhong as generalissimo and Huang Xing as deputy marshal, because Li Yuanhong was on the front line in Hubei, Huang Xing acted as generalissimo and rushed to Nanjing to organize the preparation of the provisional government. But at this time, Huang Xing was not happy, and he did not rush to Nanjing to take office on the pretext that Sun Yat-sen, the premier of the League, had not yet returned to China.