If nothing had happened, Serov would have been more than willing to see how the Supreme Soviet was elected. It was also a good experience to listen to Brezhnev expound on his policy program. Next year should be the time for the election of Soviet deputies at all levels, and unlike most people think, in fact, the Soviet Union was also very lively in the elections. The enthusiasm of the people to participate in the elections is not low, and according to the statistics, a large number of people vote enthusiastically in each election, and even Stalin has exercised his right to vote, and if Brezhnev wants to understand his program, he will not be nominated by the deputies.

Usually, once you get a nomination, you are basically sure that you can be selected. The first step of the electoral process in the Soviet Union was the most difficult, as long as the first step was passed, the rest of the process was very simple. Moreover, the Supreme Soviet, which most embodies Soviet democracy, is a legislative body, and it is the Presidium of the Central Committee and the Party committees at all levels that really count, so it will not be concerned by many Western countries. In those countries, the Supreme Soviet was just a formality, well, they were not wrong.

Without taking into account the responsibilities of the two organs of the Union and the House of Nationalities under the Supreme Soviet, the average person will not understand the relationship between the General Secretary of the USSR and the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet. The post of Chairman of the Supreme Soviet is not just a decoration. Otherwise, the historical President Podgorny would have been unhappy.

The Kuibyshev leader, who had completed this year's vacation, took a train back to Moscow after the vacation. Serov's carriage and Khrushchev's resting compartment were cut off from the others, and Khrushchev had no problem with this. Anyway, it's just a formality, and the other leaders who return to Moscow can just as much as he likes.

"Ilyich, Serov, that security cadre doesn't seem to have so much respect for us as he does for the first secretary." Aristov was the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, in the sense that he was Brezhnev's deputy. But in fact, Khrushchev did not like Aristov very much. It was only because of the collapse of the Malenkov clique a few years ago that a group of people were promoted to the Presidium of the Central Committee for observation. Aristov is one of them, and the observations have already come out, and at the meeting of the Presidium of the Central Committee after the 22nd Party Congress last year, Aristov was kicked out of the ranks of the official members of the Presidium of the Central Committee. Unlike Fortseva, who became an alternate member, Aristov directly became an ordinary member of the Central Committee.

"Comrade Aristopov. This is very normal, the KGB is the organ responsible for defending the party and the state, and whoever is the first secretary will defend whomever he wants, not to mention that our first secretary is also the chairman of the Council of Ministers. Brezhnev's body heaved as the train shook, but pretended not to understand Aristov's subtext. As for Aristov's deputy, in fact, Brezhnev and Khrushchev had the same impression, and they also did not like it.

The fate of Aristov was known to Serov in another carriage, a benevolent brother who was in the vanguard of the anti-Herkh clique. But in the end, nothing was gained, and the time of bad luck was even earlier than Sherepin, who was considered by Brezhnev to be the most powerful enemy at the beginning.

It seems that the heads of state of many countries in this era travel by train, and this special train reminds Serov of the leader of another country at this time, and he is also willing to travel by train. In addition to a group of attendants and attendants, the special train was accompanied by two companies of Kremlin garrisons, which date back to the time when the Malenkov group ordered the garrison to blockade the Kremlin. Later, Khrushchev re-trained the follow-up unit of the newly established General Directorate of the Secret Police, and then separated this part of the responsibility from the General Directorate of the Secret Police. A new police station was created.

It can be said that these soldiers are also Serov's subordinates, and they are inextricably linked to the Ninth General Directorate. Khrushchev's carriage had a radio, coffee table, sofa and a desk. There is also a storage cabinet in the corner where some liquor is placed for entertaining guests or drinking for yourself.

Stepping on the red carpet, Serov came in to report on the current progress, and in about two hours he would arrive in Moscow.

"Yuri, sit down. Isn't it a bit reserved to stay by my side, wanting to get out so soon? Khrushchev stopped Serov, who was about to leave, closed the papers on the table and asked, "As for internal security, I actually know that you are far more suitable than Shemychasny in this regard. Semychasny is actually more suitable for party affairs or government work, but Shurik says that your age is a problem! ”

"I have no grievances about this, First Secretary. In terms of age, I am very grateful for the ability I can play today, and there are few people in the whole league who have been promoted to general at my age and are in charge of national security. The party and the state have given me enough attention, and I can only be grateful for that. "Don't think that Serov is a sycophant, as an ordinary person, he is already satisfied with his current status, but he is not pretending to be high-spirited at all.

"You, the KGB, must supervise the movements in the country, and you also know the spirit of the 22nd Party Congress, and the cadre class must maintain mobility and let truly capable cadres be put in appropriate positions. Those who do not have talent are not fit to continue to lead the people! Khrushchev's meaning was already very obvious, and of course he knew that this matter would be backlashed, so he tacitly acquiesced that the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which had been split up that year, had been reorganized under the KGB, and the powers of the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs, which had been subordinate to the republics and state committees, were withdrawn to the KGB.

Khrushchev obviously wanted to use strong institutions to ensure that his will could be carried out, so one thing can be explained, why Khrushchev finally promoted Sherepin again, formed the Party and State Supervision Commission, and pushed Sherepin to the position of Beria in that year.

"Shemychasny and I will definitely report to you all the movements of the whole league!" Serov assured Khrushchev with a rare seriousness.

"It's not you and Shemychasne, it's you!" Khrushchev added: "You are better than him in security work!" ”

At this time, does Serov want to make a look of gratitude? In fact, he did, showing his loyalty in front of Khrushchev, and then exited the carriage. Now Serov has a task to ask Semychasny if Khrushchev said the same thing to him.

Two hours later, the train arrived in Moscow, and the vehicles already waiting there took the members of the Presidium of the Central Committee back to their departments, "Go to Lubyanka Square 11!" Serov, who was sitting on Gas, said coldly.

"At the right time, what should we do for Tikunov? Shurik, this department of the Ministry of Petroleum Industry is very important! "In the Sherepin group, because the first secretary of the Leningrad city party committee, Tolskykov, did not often come to Moscow, the first secretary of the Moscow city party committee, Yegorechev, was actually the second person in the position of the Sherepin group. He often plays the role of a person who gives advice.

"First of all, we have to say that we are not short of time. Taking our age as a horizontal comparison with other groups, our youth is an absolute advantage. Therefore, we don't need to be in a hurry in this matter, we must act slowly to ensure the success rate! Serov lost no time in persuading.

"Yuri, this is not like you, aren't you always fast and accurate in the KGB?" Egorychev laughed, a notoriously radical persuasion to take your time and not be in a hurry, it's too ironic.

"Because the other divisions are not the KGB!" Serov's words silenced everyone else, and he continued without thinking about anything else, "We are an external work agency, while the rest of your departments are working in the country, and the run-in and compromise in it believe that Comrade Yegorechev has more say than us, in the case that time itself has an advantage over us. We can take our time, as long as we make sure we can succeed, so what's the point of spending a little more time? ”

After a while, everyone else said goodbye, and Serov asked his own question, looked at Sherepin and asked, "Old secretary, I want to know what you think of the meeting of the 22nd National Congress." ”

"I knew you had something to do today, and you don't usually take the initiative to come to me, go in and talk ......" Xie Lepin waved his hand and beckoned Serov in again, and asked, "You just came back from abroad, why do you suddenly care about this issue?" ”

"It was the first secretary who prepared the KGB for domestic security and mentioned something about it!" For Sherepin, Serov can do everything he knows, this big tree has fallen, and there is no good fruit for him to eat.

"So far, our first secretary has not come up with a plan on how to arrange retired cadres, what about those cadres who have been purged? That is not a small group of people, but the question of the departure and retention of hundreds of thousands of cadres from all over the Union. "It seems that our first secretary has never considered this problem, and it has been two months now, and I have not heard him mention a solution in the secretariat......"

"Can't you ask?" As soon as the words came out, Serov regretted it, because he also felt that his problem was too idiotic.

Sure enough, I saw a hint of sneer on Xie Leping's face, and said, "Well said, someone should remind him." The question is who dares to do that now? Even Kozlov, Brezhnev, Podgorny and even Suslov pretended not to see the question, and it is even more unlikely that anyone else would have an opinion, including my ...... of course" (to be continued. )