For countries like the Philippines and Vietnam, which are inextricably linked to China, they have two faces, a weak side and a cunning and murderous side. The most effective way to deal with them is to use both grace and power, both soft and hard, with "big stick" strikes as the mainstay, supplemented by "carrots" to appease. Don't serve with a "big stick" at any time. They'll get on your nose and face and bully you on the head. If you don't give some "carrots" to help, it will secretly collude with "external" forces and oppose you everywhere.

China's "big stick" of military strikes and the "carrot" of diplomatic efforts echo each other. No country now dares to challenge China's core interests in the South China Sea. Relations between the countries around the South China Sea and China are unprecedentedly harmonious, and no country has seen any temper or fault. Even the Ngo Dinh Diem regime in South Vietnam took the initiative to find China through its Philippine relations and asked for a "signing" with China. Since the two sides did not have formal diplomatic relations, the negotiations took place in secret in the Shannan Special Administrative Region of China, after which a secret agreement was signed: the Republic of Vietnam recognized all the rights asserted by the People's Republic of China in the South China Sea; The Republic of Vietnam fully opened the South Vietnamese market to China and granted China the most favored nation status; South Vietnam did not take the initiative to attack North Vietnam. China pledged not to support North Vietnam's offensive against South Vietnam and would not provide North Vietnam with any offensive weapons; China respects the right of the South Vietnamese people to choose their own way of life; China will consider establishing diplomatic relations with the Republic of Vietnam at an appropriate time; The two sides agreed to actively carry out economic, trade and cultural exchanges, and that the specific matters of economic, trade and cultural exchanges between the two sides will be handled by the business offices of the two sides in Bangkok.

Another important aspect of China's control of the South China Sea and the security of China's oil transport routes in the Middle East to the country is the busy shipping process. Nearly 100,000 ships pass through the Strait of Malacca each year, and the vast majority of the oil that China extracts or buys from the Middle East and Africa is shipped through it.

Located at the southern tip of the Malay Peninsula, adjacent to Malaysia across the Strait of Johor to the north, and facing Indonesia across the Singapore Strait to the south, Singapore, the eastern entrance and exit of the Straits of Malacca, has become the object of more attention of Deng Feng and his group from later generations to this era.

On February 10, 1960, Wang Xiaoyi, director of the Shannan Special Economic Zone Management Committee and chairman of the South Asian Alliance in charge of South Asia and Southeast Asian affairs, met with a 25 or 6-year-old overseas Chinese young man who had come to Singapore brought by Comrade Chen Ping, general secretary of Malaysia, in the conference room of the headquarters of the South Asian Union with an ancient castle in the Scottish style in the eastern suburbs of Xilong City, Shannan Special Economic Zone.

He is young, with thick eyebrows and big eyes, high cheekbones, belonging to the typical beautiful boys in Fujian and Guangdong, who is thin and not tall, and speaks Fujian dialect eloquently. He is a figure that cannot be ignored in Singapore's political arena now, and he is also a figure that cannot be ignored in the Singapore People's Action Party -- Lim Qingxiang.

"Chairman Ong, I am here to represent the left wing of the Singapore People's Action Party (PAP) and to apply to the South Asian [***] Alliance for the establishment of the Singapore Socialist Front." After Lin Qingxiang sat down, he couldn't wait to put forward the request for party building.

Wang Xiaoyi, as the deputy political commissar of the "base" in later generations, and the chairman of the South Asian [***] alliance in this era, of course he understands the current Singapore and the passionate young people in front of him. Lim Ching Siong is the quintessential charismatic student movement leader, and his affability and oratorical skills, especially in the context of major political rallies and grassroots mobilization, are beyond the reach of Lee Kuan Yew, the so-called "father of Singapore". Lin Qingxiang was different from the leaders of the reading movement in many Asian and African countries at that time, he had been studying as a lieutenant colonel, and he had no background in Western education, nor was he a native elite in the colony, but he was a grassroots hero who responded to every call.

It was through him that Lee Kuan Yew's political clique came into contact with the ordinary Chinese, who make up the vast majority of Singapore's population, and used his charisma, the brightest political star in Singapore and Malaysia, to establish the Singapore People's Action Party (PAP) and make it a mass party. However, in the 1959 Singapore general election, after Lee Kuan Yew became the first prime minister after the autonomy and formed the Cheng Yan Min DAP political axe, Lee Kuan Yew began to eliminate dissidents, making the political separation between the left and right factions of the People's Action Party sharpened, and the left faction led by Lim Ching Siong quit the political axe and the People's Action Party in 1961, and formed the Singapore Socialist Front and became the left opposition party.

Wang Xiaoyi poured a cup of tea for Lin Qingxiang, and said to the young man with a smile: "Comrade Lin Qingxiang, Comrade Chen Ping has told me something about you and your situation in Singapore before. This time, I would like to talk about your situation and future plans in detail. ”

"On May 13, 1954, a group of students from Singapore Chinese Secondary School went to the foot of Mount Royal to hold a peaceful rally to demand that the British Governor accept a petition from hundreds of students from Chung Cheng High School and Hwa Chong High School to exempt them from national service. In the face of these unarmed young students, who were peacefully expressing their will, the British colonial authorities deployed a large number of heavily armed police riot squads to suppress them by force. At this time, at the Jalan Besar Sports Complex near the New World Casino, a new Chinese secondary school sports meeting was being held, and thousands of male and female students from various Chinese schools heard the news that the students who had petitioned for peace had been suppressed by the riot squad by force. Eventually, it turned into a clash that resulted in a number of bloody incidents in which students were killed, wounded, and arrested by the police. This is the 'May 13 Incident' that caused a sensation in Singapore and Malaysia. Lin Qingxiang took a sip of tea, then sorted out his thoughts a little and continued: "After the 'May 13 Incident', a group of arrested students were convicted by the colonial court for disobeying police orders and contempt for the law. If you want to appeal, you naturally have to hire a lawyer, and there are very few lawyers who are willing to stand up for the students and administer justice. That's when a lawyer caught our attention, and that was Lee Kuan Yew. ”

Lee Kuan Yew, 37, returned from Cambridge University in London and worked as a trainee solicitor in a law firm in Singapore. "From 1952 to 1953, Lee Kuan Yew, out of the need for political ambitions, consciously appeared as a defense lawyer for Singapore postmen, military and Hong Kong workers, and political axe civil servants in the strike struggle for better treatment and equal rights, which made him famous." ”

"At that time, we saw him as an anti-colonial nationalist." Lim added: "Lee Kuan Yew was deeply impressed by the enthusiasm, unity, discipline, organisation and dedication shown by the Chinese students throughout the appeal process. At the same time, in Lee Kuan Yew's own words, the time has come to poach the fish that have been fed by [***] people in the pond of Huaxiao, and to catch as much as possible. ”

Lin Qingxiang said with some indignation: "And we, who are only seventeen or eighteen years old and have little experience, regard him as a trustworthy legal adviser and a good helper, who can be united. No matter what happens, his classmates ask him for help and advice. He also did not refuse to come. However, after the establishment of the Singapore Autonomous State in June 1959 and Lee Kuan Yew became the Prime Minister of the Autonomous State, Lee Kuan Yew proposed that he hoped to merge with Malaya to form 'Malaysia', so as to provide a guarantee for Singapore's economic development, and finally eradicate the 'Malaysian Communist Party' forces. I regret it now that without the efforts of our energetic Chinese students, Lee Kuan Yew, the agent of the British rulers, would have succeeded in the predominantly Chinese society of Singapore. ”

Wang Xiaoyi knew very well that in front of some of Lee Kuan Yew's politicians who had returned from Britain, who had been deeply influenced by British culture and education, who had been deeply trained by British politicians, who had insight into British politics, who had the support of British colonial rulers, and who were well versed in all kinds of internal affairs, and who were both sophisticated and sleek, and who were both sophisticated and ambitious, Lin Qingxiang, a group of Chinese middle school students in their early twenties, inevitably seemed too innocent, kind, and naïve. If you don't intervene and guide, in this contest of different grades, different weight classes, disparities in strength, and immediate opinions. In the end, it is conceivable that these middle school students of Chinese schools are like "moths" who continue to put out the fire in pursuit of light.

Judging from later history, in 1963, the [***] elements led by Lee Kuan Yew reached an agreement with the Malayan Tunku Rahman Axe in London, and the "Singapore and Malaysia" were officially merged. After the merger, the British colonial authorities' Malaysian Federal Political Axe and Lee Kuan Yew's Singapore Autonomous State Political Axe jointly launched a mass arrest called "Operation Cold Storage", which imprisoned more than 100 major leaders and backbones of the Socialist Front on the charge of acting as a peripheral organization of Malaya [***], attempting to cooperate with the international [***] to subvert Singapore's political axe and turn Singapore into the "Cuba of Asia". The political career of Lin Qingxiang, who was full of revolutionary pride, soon ended tragically. In 1969, Lim Ching Siong issued a statement stating that he had given up his political activities after the failure of the World [***] movement due to the Sino-Soviet split, after which he was released, but on the condition that he leave Singapore and go to London. This is actually exile in disguise. He lived in London until 1979, when the Singapore government allowed him to return home until his death in 1996.

Wang Xiaoyi has been churning in his mind, how to change the development path of Singapore, how to change the fate of these years in his early twenties, which is full of thorns, vicissitudes and ill-fated. He couldn't help but think of Deng Feng's discussion with the "old people of the base" when he handed over to him about the main work of the Shannan Special Economic Zone in the future.

When discussing how to control the Strait of Malacca, Wu Di believed that Singapore should be taken directly from the British. Ouster Lee Kuan Yew, the yellow-skinned and white-hearted "banana man," or get rid of him directly, and let Tan Kah Kee, a well-known patriotic overseas Chinese leader who is highly respected among overseas Chinese, become Singapore's prime minister.

"I said Commander Wu, you are," Liu Yingtian took Wu Di's words and said: "Although Chen Lao has a patriotic heart, he is already in his old age, and he is over 80 years old this year, and now he has settled in China and serves as a member of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and vice chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. You asked him to be the Prime Minister of Singapore? ”

"Then who do you say?" Wu Di glanced at Liu Yingtian and said, "You can't let Lee Kuan Yew be in charge, right?" ”

"There's nothing wrong with letting him be." "In 1964, when there was racial turmoil in Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew accused Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman and the Federal Axe of trying to promote 'racial chauvinism' in an attempt to give Malays special and high treatment in the Federation, and behind the scenes incited the Malays in Singapore to oppose the political axe of the Autonomous State of Singapore," said Liew. Lee Kuan Yew fought all kinds of battles, which eventually led to Singapore's expulsion from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965 and his forced declaration of reading power on August 9. During his tenure, Lee Kuan Yew promoted a number of policies such as the development of the Jurong Industrial Park, the establishment of the provident fund system, the establishment of the Independent Commission Against Corruption, and the reform of education, which successfully made Singapore one of the richest and most prosperous countries in Asia within 30 years. ”

"Okay, okay, Lao Liu, you stop. What does this have to do with our control of the Strait of Malacca. Wu Di cut off Liu Yingtian's speech and said: "No matter how well he runs Singapore, he is still a dog raised by the West, and it is not ambiguous to bite China." ”

Wu Di looks very rough and speaks very impulsively, but he looks at the problem very essentially.

Deng Feng looked at these two people and said with a smile: "Listen to you two say this, it seems that the prime minister of Singapore is determined by the two of you." Singapore is still a British colony, how to solve the British is the key to the problem, Wu Di believes that Singapore is directly taken from the British. Judging from the course of the campaign to capture Malaysia and Singapore in World War II, whether it is Britain or Malaysia, Singapore does not have any goods with complete combat effectiveness, and it is not a problem to take them down militarily. But we can't just finish fighting India and then fight Britain right away, even if we fight, we have to have a reason. In my opinion, the issue of Singapore can be put aside for a while, and then dealt with after Singapore comes out of the UK, and of course, during this period, we should pay attention to the cultivation of Chinese agents. It doesn't matter who becomes prime minister, the important thing is that there is nothing wrong with China, and it is not too much to deal with those who dare to go against China. This matter will be handled by us in Shannan, and it can only be conducive to the long-term peace and stability of the Chinese nation. There are some small things that can be cut first and then played, and there are some things that are not very authentic, which can be done in secret, and cut but not played. There are some things that the central government does not have a good position on, and it is also very troublesome for the central authorities to deal with them. We have to share the worries and solve problems for the central government. I have also been authorized by the Supreme Chief. ”

(To be continued)