Chapter 123: Collapse (11)
"Mr. Sun, do you want to send more people to find them back?" Chen Qimei whispered to Sun Yat-sen.
Sun Yat-sen's already extremely gloomy face twitched slightly, becoming even more ugly. "At this time, they will have to do their own thing!" After Sun Yat-sen said this, he couldn't help but clap the tatami mat.
"Zhiqing, you go and guard the door now. Those who went out, whoever came back, let them wait outside the door! Sun Yat-sen said in a majestic voice to Jiang Zhiqing, who was standing next to him.
"Yes!" Jiang Zhiqing didn't say much, and after hearing Sun Yat-sen's order, he responded and strode towards the door.
Wang Jingwei hurriedly persuaded: "Mr. Sun, isn't it good to do this?" Even if they go out, they may not be on their own. I'm more afraid that it's just to find out the news. ”
Sun Yat-sen glared at Wang Jingwei with a look of hatred for iron and steel, "Qimei has already said yesterday, don't do it yourself." When I went out today, these people agreed yesterday. If they were to find out, why didn't they tell me first? Am I really not going to believe everyone? Forcing everyone to do things so secretly? What you said last night, you can forget it all this morning? Everyone's memory is so bad? ”
Wang Jingwei was silent, he really couldn't refute Sun Yat-sen's righteous and stern accusations. But the League has always behaved in this way, loosely organized and loosely disciplined. Doing things on the spur of the moment, and no matter what is right or wrong, as long as the sentence "I'm here for the revolution!" "You can fight all the accusations. Wang Jingwei himself also felt helpless about the performance of the League in this regard.
Hu Hanmin also interjected at this time, "Jingwei, Mr. Sun has long wanted to rectify party affairs. Suffering from the lack of opportunities, if it had been before, there was still no hope for the revolutionary road. If it is rashly rectified, it will hurt everyone's hearts. But the situation is different now, and the Japanese side will definitely support us. If we don't rectify it at this time, and the comrades continue to do this in the future, won't there be a big mess? ”
Wang Jingwei basically agreed with Hu Hanmin's words, but he still didn't understand this "big mess".
Chen Qimei looked at Wang Jingwei with a puzzled face, and he simply made it clear, "Now that the new government has not been established, that is, Mr. Sun has this qualification." But after the government was established, some people got official positions in the government, and at that time they made a fuss, what should we do? If the Japanese do something behind their backs, it's a real mess! ”
After listening to Chen Qimei's words, Wang Jingwei suddenly realized. The "big chaos" that Chen Qimei and Hu Hanmin refer to refers to the fact that some people took the opportunity to seize Sun Yat-sen's power with the support of the Japanese after becoming officials of the new "Beiyang government." Although he felt that this worry was really a bit incredible, Wang Jingwei finally understood one thing, why Chen Qimei was able to become Sun Yat-sen's real confidant, and he was always so much worse than Chen Qimei.
Thinking about this joint, Wang Jingwei hurriedly stated his position, "I firmly support Mr. Sun as president, and I only support Mr. Sun as president." If anyone is against it, I will be at odds with that man! ”
Chen Qimei patted Wang Jingwei's shoulder with satisfaction, and Sun Yat-sen listened to Wang Jingwei's confession, and his face looked a lot better.
This time, the promoter of the formation of a new government of the "Republic of China" with Sun Yat-sen and the League as the core was Katsura Taro. Of course, Katsura Taro would not be stupid enough to believe that Zhang Zuolin would sincerely cooperate with Japan. Therefore, Japan absolutely cannot nominate Zhang Zuolin as a partner for cooperation. Therefore, Japan must support a government of the "Republic of China" with a higher status than Zhang Zuolin, but no real power. In this way, Japan can make full use of the contradictions between the two to play various tricks.
Sun Yat-sen was forced to leave Japan in the name of investigation because of embezzlement of railway survey funds, and the Japanese side did not care about it. Let those who owe money to Sun Yat-sen not trouble Sun Yat-sen, and the Japanese government will have done its duty. However, as the situation changed, Sun Yat-sen soon became a strange commodity.
However, according to the information collected by Katsura Taro, Sun Yat-sen was not a person who was too decisive to kill. But in this matter, Sun Yat-sen's reaction speed was extraordinarily fast. After a fierce but short internal struggle. Sun Yat-sen went so far as to reorganize his subordinates and organize them into a paramilitary organization to conduct various paramilitary training. As a result, for the time being, no one left the brigade to act alone.
However, such a model could not confront the intelligence system of the Japanese War Department at all, and at most it made the intelligence department a little more cumbersome. Two days later, information about Sun Yat-sen's internal reorganization was sent to Katsura Taro in great detail.
The first is an organizational change. The League will be changed to the Chinese Revolutionary Party. The new party constitution clearly states that the purpose of the Chinese Revolutionary Party is to consolidate the republic and practice people's doctrine. At the same time, the new party constitution relaxes the conditions for joining the party, stipulating that those who agree with the party's purpose, are introduced by two party members, and pay a party fee of 10 yuan can join the party.
In terms of organizational discipline, the Chinese Revolutionary Party stipulated that members of the party must be fingerprinted and sworn to obey Sun Yat-sen personally. Sun Yat-sen personally had the power to punish members of the Chinese Revolutionary Party, and also set up a special criminal department to be responsible for punishing party members who violated the discipline of the Chinese Revolutionary Party.
Article 4 of the new party constitution stipulates: "All members of the League may be members of the Party and receive the certificate of the Party with the membership certificate of the League."
After reading this, Katsura Taro threw the report back on the table. He knew that Sun Yat-sen's Japanese wife Kaoru Otsuki was now living with Sun Yat-sen, and for some reason, a picture came to Katsura Taro's mind, Sun Yat-sen was sitting on the main seat of the hall, holding Kaoru Otsuki in his arms. The original members of the League lined up in order, raised their short knives in turn, and pledged their personal allegiance to Sun Yat-sen, the current leader of the Chinese Revolutionary Party.
Although he knew that this picture was actually a Japanese gang initiation ceremony, Katsura Taro couldn't easily eliminate such an imagination from his mind.
"Mr. Gui! What are we going to do about Sun Yat-sen and his men? The officer of the intelligence department asked.
"Let them be." Katsura Taro replied calmly. This kind of change has no impact on the Japanese side at all, and the Japanese side even really welcomes such a change, if Sun Yat-sen and these people cannot unite closely, when they and Zhang Zuolin sing a duet, it will make the Japanese side more troublesome.
On 17 September, after several rounds of negotiations and negotiations between Japan and Sun Yat-sen and others, the Japanese side formally recognized the request of Sun Yat-sen, vice minister of the Ministry of Railways of the Republic of China, and recognized the government-in-exile of the Republic of China headed by Sun Yat-sen. Sun Yat-sen immediately assumed the post of president of the government-in-exile, Wang Ching-wei as premier, Hu Hanmin as speaker of the National Assembly, and Chen Qimei as commander-in-chief of the three armed services.
Soon, the government-in-exile and the Japanese government held a ceremony for the signing of the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Mutual Assistance and Friendship. In the treaty, Sun Yat-sen, with a stroke of his pen, promised Japan various Chinese interests that had never belonged to him. This treaty became known as the Sino-Japanese Pact.
The news of the establishment of the new "Beiyang Government" in Japan soon reached Beijing, and the envoys of various countries in China were somewhat dumbfounded. When the British and French ministers had afternoon tea together, they had to admit that it was a smart choice. Britain and France could not declare war on the People's Party, and under such circumstances, the best way for Japan would be to install a "Beiyang government" close to Japan. With this new "Beiyang government," Japan can ask Britain and France to support this new government, and second, it can completely intervene in China's affairs by restoring the rule of this government.
The French minister said to the British minister with ill intentions: "It seems that Japan is indeed going to go it alone without the British government." ”
The British minister did not react to such an instigation, and the Japanese side had secretly informed the British minister of the matter. In the briefing, the Japanese side said that the People's Party had the intention of seizing Korea, so Japan had no choice but to take such countermeasures. Moreover, the Japanese side also pointed out that the People's Party is likely to have its own plans against Annan.
Over the past few days, the British Minister's attitude toward the People's Party has changed considerably, and he no longer regards the People's Party as an ordinary local force, but regards the People's Party as the legitimate government of China, and especially the legitimate government of China, which is very capable. From this point of view, Korea and Annam are the strategic wings of China, and North Korea's penetration into the Sea of Japan is crucial for its influence in the Far East. Annam, on the other hand, is deeply embedded in the South China Sea and is strategically located in Southeast Asia. If a competent legitimate Chinese government did not want to retake these two regions, the British minister absolutely did not believe it. And now is the best chance to recapture these two regions.
Of course, if the People's Party can really retake these two regions, it will completely offend Japan and France. Even if it were to win, the People's Party would have to pay a greater price after the war in Europe was over. With the wisdom of the chairman of the People's Party, Chen Ke, what will he choose? This was of great interest to the British minister.
Of course, this will not be a problem for the British minister, who now thinks that he has basically mastered the cards of the People's Party, and that the People's Party will not join the Central Powers. Then in the future development of the situation, the BJP will definitely kneel and plead with Britain. The British minister only had to wait until that time.
And there were two other things that interested the British minister. The first thing is that the People's Party, after the occupation of Beijing, did not conduct a large-scale operation, but began to carry out a large-scale reorganization. What exactly is the purpose of this, the British minister has not figured out until now.
The second question was how Japan was going to intervene in China's affairs, and through this means of intervention, the British envoy would be able to understand how capable Japan really was.
In addition to these two things, there is one thing that is not too big or too small. Britain's domestic telegram demanded the return of British troops in China, and France made the same request at about the same time. At this time, it was necessary to transfer all overseas troops to the Entente countries, and the changes in China and the willingness of the People's Party to join the Entente were expressed in Britain, and the British did not remove the Minister in China, but asked the Minister in China to step up efforts to persuade the People's Party to join the Entente quickly. This is enough to show that the situation in the European theater is not optimistic at all.
The British minister already instinctively felt that the People's Party would not be able to join the Entente until the end of the contest between China and Japan. But after this contest is over, it is extremely difficult to say what the attitude of the Entente towards the BJP will be.
Among the ministers of various countries, the American side had the best time. Trade between the United States and the People's Party went quite smoothly, the war did not cause any loss to trade, and after the victory of the People's Party over the Beiyang government, the United States government felt that it was a very wise choice to invest in the People's Party.
The United States does not have any troops stationed in China, and the grain deal between the People's Party and the American Legation is a parity deal, so there is no difficulty in life. The U.S. minister was even able to get the BJP's special approval for the road, and there was no obstacle to action. Since the United States did not join the Entente and the Central Powers, the struggle between the two Allied powers had nothing to do with the United States. Therefore, after receiving the secret telegram from China, the US minister simply secretly went to Wuhan to meet with Chen Ke, chairman of the People's Party.
On September 16, the day before the establishment of the "Beiyang Government in Exile", the U.S. minister met with Chen Ke. The two sides happily engaged in rather American-style diplomatic negotiations.
The United States reached a trade credit agreement with the People's Party during the economic crisis that began in 1913, and the People's Party's raw silk for machinery, along with other purchases, greatly benefited the American economy. When the agreement was first completed in 1915, orders from Europe snowflakes brought the United States out of the economic crisis. The country's strength and influence have increased greatly. However, this does not satisfy the appetite of the United States, which is also pursuing a higher international status and international dominance as an emerging power.
In today's world, in addition to its own great strength, a real power does not have a large number of allies with considerable strength, or more precisely, "how many junior brothers can fight", which is a proof of a great power. The People's Party defeated Britain's younger brother Beiyang in the Chinese Civil War, which cannot make the United States look down on the People's Party.
"We in the U.S. want to work more closely with you." The American minister spoke straight to the point.
"So what does your government want us to do?" Chen Ke is also very straightforward. It's not that the benefits of a nationalist state can't be taken, but it's all conditional. Chen Ke couldn't know more about this.
"We are fully understandable about your demand for the recovery of China's sovereignty. We even appreciate your country's efforts for national independence and liberation. But you should also be clear that on the China issue, our attitude in the United States is that the door is open. "The statement of the representative of the United States was full of American style.
Chen Ke has never been against globalization, he is against globalization that harms China's interests. But in the current situation, China has begun to move towards the second industrial revolution with difficulty but step by step. The gap with foreign countries in terms of technology and industrial strength is relatively limited. At this time, the import of technical equipment from foreign countries was greatly beneficial to China's industrial development. Not to mention that the raw silk trade has not yet encountered the challenge of synthetic silk, and can continue to flourish for at least ten years.
Therefore, Chen Ke calmly replied: "We, the People's Party, have always emphasized that we will never refuse legitimate trade. And we want to make the trade bigger and bigger, more and more prosperous. That's what we've been saying since a few years ago. We still do this today. Of course, we don't have hard currency, so we have to take a trade balance approach. I think Mr. Minister can be sure of that. ”
The US minister can certainly confirm this, and the price of the official position of the embassy in China has risen by more than 30 percent in more than a year, faster than the US stock market. It is true that the BJP is constantly expanding its trade quota on the basis of the trade balance.
"Of course, in this situation, we don't want to adopt a high tariff policy." Chen continued, "So I don't think there needs to be any adjustment to the 5% tariff. However, we also believe that tariffs must be mutual. It is neither reasonable nor appropriate for a single party to adopt a policy of low tariffs. What do you think? ”
The U.S. minister nodded slightly, he didn't care about the tariff issue at all, and the continuous expansion of the trade volume was enough for the United States to earn several times or even dozens of times the profits. More importantly, Chen Ke's speech clearly revealed a message that after the People's Party regains China's sovereignty, the Chinese market will be more open to the United States. That's what the United States needs most.