Chapter 164: Talks with Khrushchev

The visit to the United States was a success. This put Li Dawei in a good mood, and as he sat on the comfortable "sky train" and looked at the rolling white clouds below, his thoughts flew to the leaders who now controlled the Soviet Empire.

After Stalin's death, power in the USSR fell into the hands of the new chairman of the Council of Ministers, Malenkov, and the head of the secret police, Beria. Although Khrushchev was the first secretary of the Central Committee, his powers in this position were limited to the party's propaganda work and ideological work in the ideological sphere.

As soon as Beria came to power, he took the first step against Stalinism, internally, freed millions of political prisoners and terminated the policy of Russification of the republics within the Soviet Union; Externally, it changed its policy toward Yugoslavia and actively advocated that the Soviet Union should not intervene by force in the civil war between East and West Germany, so as to reduce the direct confrontation between the two camps and ease relations with the United States. And began to try to marketize. There have also been many denunciations of the mistakes of Stalin's previous "Great Purges". and dissenting views on the question of the socialist planned economy, which for a time won the support of those who had been rectified during the Stalin period. Earned himself some prestige.

Khrushchev superficially complied with Beria, but behind the scenes he conspired with Malenkov, Voroshilov, Molotov and others to overthrow him. At the Kremlin meeting on June 26, 1953, Malenkov and others suddenly launched a siege of Beria, and with the assistance of Zhukov and other soldiers, he was arrested. On December 18, Beria was executed by Stalin's Guards for treason and counter-revolution.

After Beria's execution, Malenkov gradually strengthened his influence in the political axe, and Khrushchev continued to strengthen and expand his power in the party and the political axe. Actively preparing for the eventual collapse of Malenkov.

In 1955, Khrushchev, who gradually won the support of Bulganin, Molotov, Voroshilov, Mikoyan and others. At the Council of Ministers in February, he, together with his supporters, made a sudden attack, accusing Malenkov of a series of policies that eventually ousted Malenkov from his post and removed him from his post as chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, replacing him with Khrushchev, first secretary of the Central Committee.

After the defeat of Malenkov, Khrushchev again pointed the finger at Molotov. Molotov was a close comrade-in-arms and staunch supporter of Stalin, the number two man in Stalin's leadership, supported Stalin's collective farm policy and participated in leading the Great Purge. Although his wife was also persecuted by Stalin, he was a staunch supporter of Stalin throughout.

In July 1955, at the Plenum of the Supreme Soviet, Khrushchev and all the other members of the Presidium suddenly laid siege to Molotov, who was forced to review and admit his mistake. Khrushchev did not immediately liquidate Molotov at that time, but retained his membership as Minister of Foreign Affairs and Presidium. It was not until February 1956, that is, two months ago, at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union that Khrushchev suddenly threw out a four-hour "secret report" entitled "On Personal Superstition and Its Consequences" to comprehensively criticize Stalin, which further aggravated the contradictions between the two people, and finally in June 1957, he was beaten as the leader of the "anti-party group", demoted to ambassador to Mongolia, expelled from the party in 1964, and ordered to retire.

Li Dawei knew that Khrushchev had basically grasped the power of the Soviet Union, but there were still opposition groups such as Molotov, Kaganovich, Voroshilov, Malenkov, and Bulganin in the party and in the political axe. How to divide the Soviet leadership and make it more favorable to China. Li Dawei was thinking hard, after all, the CPSU is a very mature party, and Molotov, Kaganovich, Voroshilov, Malenkov, and Bulganin really have no people who can become a climate. Originally, they had the opportunity to get rid of Khrushchev, but Khrushchev's "secret report" at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union shook the camp of socialist countries and triggered a series of turmoil in the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. These people took the opportunity to quickly unite, and Molotov, Malenkov, Bulganin and others jointly attacked Khrushchev.

On June 18, 1957, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers in the Kremlin, they launched a fierce siege on Khrushchev, who was in a very disadvantageous position due to their numerical superiority. Khrushchev and Mikoyan used delaying tactics, and Khrushchev demanded a plenum of the Central Committee, and they actually agreed to Khrushchev's request, which bought Khrushchev valuable time to completely eliminate them. The pro-Khrushchev committee members were rushed to Moscow from all over the country by Defense Minister Zhukov, who also supported Khrushchev, using military planes. On June 22, a plenary session was held, at which Defense Minister Zhukov, who held military power in the Soviet Union, harshly accused Molotov, Kaganovich, Malenkov and others of their crimes in the Great Purge of the Stalin era, and they were finally defeated. Accused by Khrushchev of being an "anti-party group" and expelled from the Presidium of the Central Committee.

After assisting Khrushchev in eliminating the "anti-party clique," Zhukov became an important member of the presidium, but Khrushchev, who had just passed through the political crisis, realized Zhukov's energy through Zhukov's rescue operation this time, and he began to feel at ease with the respected Zhukov. He acted immediately, 4 months later. Khrushchev instigated a number of generals, and with their support, a resolution condemning Zhukov was adopted in the Presidium. Zhukov returned to Moscow five days later, where he was unanimously criticized at the plenary session of the Central Committee and removed him from his post as defense minister. At this point, Khrushchev cleared all dissidents and seized all the power of the Soviet Union.

"Khrushchev is still a step ahead of his opponents." Li Dawei couldn't help but think: "What can you do if you avoid Khrushchev's purge of the "anti-party clique" of Molotov, Kaganovich, and Malenkov?" These people still carry out Stalin's line, but they do not have Stalin's ability, and Zhukov is only a soldier after all, and he is not worthy of being Khrushchev's political opponent at all.

In the past few years, Khrushchev has always been good to China in order to obtain China's support for him in the fierce life-and-death political struggle in the upper echelons of the CPSU, and it can be said that he has responded to China's needs, which has also formed a short honeymoon period between the two parties and the two countries. However, Li Dawei knew that this was only an expedient measure by Khrushchev, and after he had consolidated his position within the party, he would never tolerate China's independent political line of reading power and independence from the international [***] movement. He will not give up his position as the boss of the "international communist movement," and this is where the Chinese and Soviet parties will turn against each other in the future."

The slight bump in the landing of the special plane pulled Li Dawei out of deep thought.

At the ramp of Li Dawei's special plane, Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov, who had the same beard as Stalin's between his lips, stepped forward, shook hands with Li Dawei, who had stepped off the plane, and said, "I welcome you to Moscow again with great joy, Comrade Li Dawei." ”

Li Dawei said neither humbly nor arrogantly: "Comrade Molotov, I am very happy to be able to come to Moscow again. ”

After an afternoon of rest, in the evening, in the Vladimir Hall on the second floor of the Kremlin's resplendent Grand Kremlin, the Chinese and Soviet sides held talks.

Li Dawei first briefed the CPSU delegation headed by Khrushchev on 15 March about China's hydrogen bomb explosion test in the Lop Nur area of China's western Xinjiang Province. Li Dawei said very sincerely: "In order to let the Soviet comrades have a more intuitive understanding of the situation of China's hydrogen bomb test, I have brought a copy of the 16-millimeter documentary of this thermonuclear test, which of course is an absolute secret of our country, and I ask the Soviet comrades to limit the number of people watching this film to members of the Presidium of the CPSU."

On behalf of the Soviet political axe and people, Khrushchev expressed his heartfelt congratulations to the Chinese political axe and people on achieving such a great victory in such a short period of time. In this regard, he also put forward to Li Dawei a proposal to jointly establish an atomic energy research institute between China and the Soviet Union to carry out more extensive cooperation in the field of atomic energy. was politely rejected by Li Dawei.

In this slightly embarrassing atmosphere, Li Dawei briefed the Soviet side on the Chinese delegation's visits to India, Britain, France, and the United States, and explained the various efforts made by the Chinese political axe and people to peacefully resolve the Indian issue.

Li Dawei said to Khrushchev: "We, the Chinese political axe, have shown the greatest sincerity and made the greatest efforts to peacefully resolve the Sino-Indian border issue. But all of them have been rejected by the Indian side, and China will have to take action against India to punish the surname. We hope that our actions will be understood and supported by the Soviet side, and at least we will not get involved in the issue between China and India. It's best not to make any comments. so as not to cause confusion within the socialist camp. ”

While listening to Li Dawei's speech, Khrushchev was very impolite, and kept flicking lightly on the table with his round little fat hands and short fingers, and when he listened to Li Dawei's speech, he began to say in a tone of lesson: "You China should have good relations with India, India is a country with extremely close relations with our socialist camp, and Nehru is also very enlightened, so you should unite with him." It is very wrong for you to deal with the Sino-Indian border issue in this way. Why do you want to fight with India for such a small barren land? To fight for such a small deserted area, and to fight with India, which is very friendly to us, will be more or less if India is pushed into the imperialist camp. Is it worth it? ”

Li Dawei retorted: "Comrade Khrushchev, you can't say that. There is no big or small territorial issue, it is a matter of a country's sovereignty, we don't want to occupy an inch of other people's land, but others can't occupy an inch of our land if they want to! There is nothing to talk about on the territorial issue. Solidarity should be based on the five basic principles of peaceful coexistence, and the purpose of our actions to punish the Indian authorities is to unite them and show them how to behave and how to behave. And we can't blindly accommodate them and let their expansionist ambitions swell. Only in this way can true unity be achieved and a harmonious world can it affect the peace and stability of the South Asian region and threaten world peace.

Khrushchev was very angry and said: "What kind of logic are you doing? You are completely narrow-minded nationalism. Comrade Li Dawei, you are engaged in diplomatic work, how can you not understand the importance of uniting Nehru for our entire international movement? Such actions of yours, the political axe and the people of the Soviet Union will never understand and will never support you in doing so! ”

Li Dawei stood up and said: "We defend the territory of our own country, is it narrow nationalism? You have to figure out that it was the Indian army that crossed the border and occupied our territory! Is it for the sake of the whole international movement, for the sake of so-called unity, that we have to lose power and humiliate the country? Is it for the sake of the entire international [***] movement, for the sake of the so-called unity. Do we not even have the right to defend our national territory? ”

Khrushchev's little hand slapped vigorously on the table, and then pointed at Li Dawei and said, "Don't say that you are so pitiful. What have you done to India, don't think that others don't know, you split India [***], organized the CPI (Maoist), you funded and led their guerrillas, and caused chaos in the whole of India, isn't that enough? ”

Li Dawei was annoyed and angry, also slapped the table, and also pointed to Khrushchev's nose and said: "What! Do we adhere to Marx's theory of 'the proletarians of the whole world unite'? Is it also wrong to fulfill the [***] obligations of the fraternal party? Is it not right to pursue the ultimate goal of the proletarian revolution to emancipate the toiling masses of the world? You are the head of the entire socialist camp, why do you not only not support a socialist country, but rather favor a capitalist country in the conflict between a socialist country and a capitalist country, and you are still not [***] person? Which side of your class position is on? Li Dawei looked at Molotov and said: "Comrade Molotov, you must seriously criticize Comrade Khrushchev's right-leaning mistake that seriously affects the healthy development of the international [***] movement. ”

Khrushchev said unreasonably: "It is not us that affects the healthy development of the international movement, but you, China, and you are the representatives of the right-leaning opportunism of the international movement, and you have made a very bad start, and you have betrayed the interests of the Korean people in Korea and made compromises with US imperialism in exchange for your political and economic interests." You mingle with the capitalist camp led by US imperialism and cooperate with these imperialist countries. With what so-called intellectual property rights, you are the accomplices of imperialism in the technological blockade of the socialist countries. ”

"How can it be!" Li Dawei was also unforgiving, and immediately countered: "Who was it in the first place, who stepped forward at the most critical moment when North Korea was facing the most critical moment." Without the huge national sacrifices made by our Chinese people and heroic Chinese people, how could there be today's North Korea, and it would be your turn to be here to be arrogant and make irresponsible remarks. ”

Molotov looked at the huge loophole in Khrushchev's speech, which was furious, and immediately changed the topic and said: "Comrade Li Dawei, let's calm down, I don't know much about the situation between China and India, but in my opinion, as a powerful country, it is very inappropriate to use force to deal with a backward and weak country. ”

Li Dawei sat down, took a sip of the mineral water in the cup, moistened his somewhat dry throat, and then said: "Comrade Molotov, I don't know what criteria you use and how you divide the size of a country. But no matter what criteria you use, no matter how you divide India, it is not a weak country. If they are said to be a backward country, they should concentrate their efforts on building their own country well. We should not invade other countries with reckless force. Moreover, right and wrong are not necessarily related to right and wrong, the size of the country, and the degree of advanced and backward. Even if you don't understand the situation, then you should be more cautious. ”

Khrushchev said unjustifiably: "In any case, it would be wrong for you to have bad relations with India anyway." Since the Korean War, you China have taken too much advantage militarily and diplomatically, and if you blindly rely on your own powerful force, like an aggressive rooster, you will easily use force or the threat of force to handle international affairs between countries. This is the way to use military force, and you will not end well in doing so.

The fire that Li Dawei had just put down was ignited by Khrushchev again, and he stood up again, pointed at Khrushchev, and said in a fierce voice: "Comrade Khrushchev, please make it clear who is using military force." India has invaded and occupied our territory, and we have waged a war against aggression, which in your eyes has become a reckless force, do you still have a sense of right and wrong? I wonder if your head is sick and there is something wrong with the logic after a short circuit? ”

The interpreter accompanying the Chinese delegation looked at Li Dawei and did not translate the phrase that he had a sick head, which was meant to be a personal attack, and Khrushchev defended himself: "But no matter what, you still want to use force to beat people."

Li Dawei thought about it and it was not interesting to talk any further, so after sitting down, he lit a cigarette and said solemnly and tactfully: "I have already said all the questions that should be said during my visit to your country. All the greetings that should be made have been made. We can't control anything else, and we hope that the Soviet comrades will listen to China's opinions, understand them, and support them to the best of their ability. If you don't understand it, you can't support it, and you can't do it. There's nothing we can do about it, but I advise you not to make irresponsible remarks. When I came, our supreme chief instructed me to make our principles clear to others, that if anyone does not offend me, I will not offend, and if anyone offends me, I will offend. Not the first in the world. But whoever wants to bully us, that's not going to work. No one! ”

(To be continued)