Deng Feng looked at Sabikavusky's somewhat embarrassed look and said, "Ah, there's nothing wrong with this, I like your friend-like honesty." All parents in the world are the same. Deng Feng turned to his translator and said, "Li Xiaohong, do you have a semiconductor radio, let's give it to Comrade Sabikaszsky's daughter first." ”

Deng Feng turned his head and saw Sabikaszsky's greedy gaze staring at the box of Chinese cigarettes on the table, and said to Li Xiaohong: "Take one more cigarette of mine, yes, and give two bottles of wine to Comrade Sabikasyrsky." ”

"Thank you!" Sabikaszsky hurriedly said, "Thank you, Comrade Deng Feng, for being so generous and understanding. "Deng Feng knew that these things were nothing in China, but in the Soviet Union they were enough to make Sabikadsky and his daughter Niu bumble. Because although the Soviet Union's heavy industry, led by the military industry, was very developed, there was an extreme shortage of light industrial products, and this situation did not improve until the collapse of the Soviet Union. In the homes of ordinary Soviet people, it would be a luxury to have a Chinese-made thermostat.

How to really solve the Sino-Soviet border problem at the lowest cost, although Deng Feng and his comrades-in-arms thought about it for several years, they still felt a little at a loss. Today, he is trying to resolve the territorial issue between China and the Soviet Union through political means. But he knew that the premise of a political solution was to have a strong force as a guarantee and a leader who, like the supreme chief, had the courage to defy all enemies, otherwise it could only be the result of surrendering millions of territories to Russia, as later generations did.

The rising China, like a soaring dragon, has shattered the original pattern of time and space, and completely changed the two camps of the simple bipolar society with clear warp and latitude. The ideological struggle between the two camps continues, and China has safeguarded its core interests and broken free from the constraints of the ideological camp. The boundaries of the world's camps have become blurred, and the relations between countries have become more complicated. In the face of this complex situation, the world's politicians and politicians, large and small, have not been able to adapt for a while, and they are all looking at this unpredictable world from their own perspectives, interpreting this new type of state-to-state relations.

U.S. Secretary of State Dulles, a politician known for his [***], was overjoyed to learn that China had captured Ulaanbaatar, the capital of Outer Mongolia, overnight. He, a terminally ill 70-year-old man, hurried to the White House happily and opened the door of Eisenhower's office, "Mr. President, yesterday China sent troops to Outer Mongolia and occupied the supernumerary republic of the Soviet Union in one day, [***] This huge rock has finally cracked from their inside!" ”

Eisenhower looked at the blush of excitement on Secretary of State Dulles's emaciated and sallow face that had been devoured by cancer cells, he did not show any excitement, calmly pushed up the gold-rimmed glasses on the bridge of his nose, and asked very cautiously: "What reaction did the Soviet Union make?" ”

"Not yet," said Dulles, somewhat disappointed, "the Soviet emergency response was always half a beat slower."

"Oh, let's talk about that now." Eisenhower gestured to the horseshoe-shaped couch under the window across from his desk and motioned for Dulles to sit down. Dulles turned around to find Vice President Nixon and General Twinning, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, also in the Eisenhower White House Oval Office, he smiled apologetically at Nixon and Twinning, whispered "Hi, I'm sorry" and slowly sat down on the sofa to Nixon's right.

"China's current action in Outer Mongolia is another act of China's foreign expansion after the successful disintegration of India," Air Force General Twinning, chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, was the first to express his own lofty opinion. ”

Nixon stopped biting the nail of his little finger in his right hand and said, "If China's behavior in India still worries us about [***] global expansion, the occupation of Outer Mongolia is completely out of this problem." Isn't it more in line with the strategic interests of the United States to hand over Outer Mongolia under Soviet control to China? If we turn to the map of Northeast Asia, we can see at a glance the importance of Mongolia's strategic position. Its vast arc-shaped territory, like a giant eagle with wings spread, covered the East Siberia and Trans-Baikal regions of the Soviet Union, especially the Trans-Siberian Railway, the main transport artery of the Soviet Union to the Far East. If the Chinese occupy Mongolia and interrupt the Trans-Siberian Railway on the Mongolian-Soviet border, the Soviet Far East will be within reach, so I conclude that China's next target will definitely be the Soviet Far East, in order to recover more than 1.5 million square kilometers of territory in the Far East and Central Asia, which was forcibly occupied by Tsarist Russia a century ago. Isn't this kind of expansion more worth looking forward to? What reason do we have to stop this? Nixon refuted the views of Admiral Twinning, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

"Expect, certainly expect, there is absolutely no reason for us to stop this from happening," Dulles echoed Vice President Nixon. He said loudly in an impassioned tone that was extremely incommensurate with his frail body: "Although in Outer Mongolia, no matter who wins or loses, and what the result is, the political system of Outer Mongolia will not change fundamentally, and the difference is the question of what kind of socialist road to take. However, it is an indisputable fact that China's behavior has objectively caused a split within the [***] camp. That's the root cause of what we're looking forward to. ”

The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Twining, immediately switched from the role of international police officer to the role of opportunist, saying: "Doesn't this Chinese operation provide us with an excellent opportunity? Why don't we take advantage of this to make a move in Europe and take those Soviet satellites in Eastern Europe in one fell swoop."

"No, no, no," Eisenhower interrupted, shaking his head hurriedly, knowing what the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Twinning, was about to say. "We must not wade into this troubled water, and any move we make will throw the world's strategic layout out of balance and contribute to a global war. Both China and the Soviet Union are likely to have developed an extremely dangerous sense of despair because of the serious deterioration of the situation on the battlefield, and they cannot help resorting to very extreme measures. Everybody has seen the documentary that China has given us about their hydrogen bomb tests, which would lead to the destruction of the entire planet. ”

Eisenhower's general-president's fears of a possible war between China and the Soviet Union were far from unusual. The deep-seated reason for his policy of "non-interference" in the Outer Mongolia incident is that the United States is unwilling to risk a new world war, especially a nuclear war, to save a small socialist country called the Mongolian People's Republic, which has nothing to do with it and is under the absolute control of the Soviet Union. If Eisenhower's attitude is attributed to a simpler fact: the United States could not do anything about the situation in Outer Mongolia. As is often the case in grand strategy, geography dictates choices. Outer Mongolia, which is surrounded by two [***] nuclear powers, China and the Soviet Union, has no seaport. There is no contact between the United States and Outer Mongolia. In short, Eisenhower was unable to exert any effective influence on Outer Mongolia. This is the full embodiment of the principle of realism in American foreign policy. At this time, the United States was not strong enough to dominate as it was in later generations, and the politicians and armies of all countries were frightened by it, to the point of being invincible in the world.

Dulles devoted himself to every slight change of events in the socialist camp. He is happiest to see that the two [***] powers can fight, and he believes that this Chinese action in Outer Mongolia provides an important opportunity for the United States to completely dismantle the socialist camp. Instead of suggesting to Eisenhower that he should take advantage of the opportunity to occupy Eastern Europe by force, as Twining did, he made a more insidious "peace" proposal: "I think it is better to quickly submit the Outer Mongolia issue to the United Nations General Assembly, and use this incident to carry out a diplomatic and propaganda offensive to make [***] countries understand that there are also territorial problems and minority problems within the [***] camp." In this way, a divisive factor is planted in their subconscious. In particular, it is necessary to look for opportunities in countries where there are territorial issues and minority issues between them, to sow discord between their countries, between regions, and between nationalities, to split their feelings, and to create new and old hatreds among them, so as to further disintegrate the entire socialist camp. ”

Eisenhower, in the face of the intricacies of various contradictions, the great difficulty of controlling the extraordinary world situation, pondered for a long time, and seemed to be quite reluctant to say to Dulles's proposal: "It is better to bring the Outer Mongolia issue to the United Nations General Assembly so that other countries, such as Britain, can come forward." We don't come out of this, you can tell them what you think in private. And we at the UN General Assembly, the United States should make such a statement, and the troops of both China and the Soviet Union should be withdrawn from the Outer Mongolia region. The problems of Outer Mongolia should be resolved by the people of Outer Mongolia on their own under the supervision of the United Nations without any interference from outside forces, and the people of Outer Mongolia have the right to choose their own development path and a social system that suits them better. I think such a cautiously worded, moderate statement is the most appropriate for our American interests and the current situation. He paused for a moment, thought for a moment and added, "Another point to note is that the Chinese are a people who value face very seriously, and we should not make accusations against China by name, either publicly or privately." ”

Nixon stopped the record, looked at Eisenhower and said: "Mr. President, although China and we do not have a direct armed confrontation conflict, the United States and China have both cooperation to resist the expansion of the Soviet Union, and there are also constant trade frictions, and every year they get more than $1 billion from the United States through patent and technology transfer fees, and nearly $1 billion in Europe." This cannot but be said to be another form of war. In the face of China's trade war, we must also come up with new measures as soon as possible, conduct extensive discussions in the two courts, and formulate corresponding countermeasures. ”

"This is another issue that I have instructed the State Council to discuss as a topic." Eisenhower then turned the topic to the incident in Outer Mongolia and the relations between the United States and the Soviet Union: "All in all, with regard to the incident in Outer Mongolia and the possible large-scale armed conflict between China and the Soviet Union, I advocate that the United States should pursue a fundamental rule, that is, to avoid direct conflict between the United States and China and the Soviet Union, to prevent the outbreak of a new world war, especially a nuclear war, and to control the possible war between China and the Soviet Union. The most effective way would be for the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization to remain strictly non-involved in their struggles. However, as a major power dominating the world, the United States must make it clear to the political axes of China and the Soviet Union that our attitude is that we will never allow either of them to use thermonuclear weapons in war, otherwise it will be the enemy of the United States and the world. ”

"Mr. President, you are right, we in the United States should indeed strictly refrain from intervening in the struggle between them, and at the same time play an important role in stopping a possible nuclear war between them." Vice President Nixon, who was only 45 years old and in the prime of life, first affirmed President Eisenhower's opinion, and then clarified his view that the United States needed to adjust its foreign policy: "I feel that the United States should encourage our allies to assume more responsibility for domestic security and military defense, so as to more effectively avoid the possibility of the United States getting involved in conflicts with China and the Soviet Union." Two years ago, Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Li Dawei put forward a new concept of international relations, "strategic cooperative partnership," which inspired me a lot, and that we should establish this kind of close strategic partnership between the United States and its global allies, including military, political, and economic aspects, and that the United States should adjust its overseas obligations and no longer assume full responsibility for defending the free countries of the world. Only by reducing our overseas expenditure, increasing our strength, and focusing on negotiations for political settlement in international disputes, supplemented by military strikes, can we limit the war to a controllable scope and truly and effectively stop nuclear war. ”

At the age of 39, Nixon became the youngest vice president in the history of the United States, and he was more concerned about the trend of the development of the world situation, and he put forward a new US strategy in a timely manner in light of the new changes in the world situation.

"Negotiations for political settlements in international disputes are the mainstay" The aging Secretary of State Dulles disagreed with the vice president's opinion, believing that Nixon was talking rhetorically, "Negotiations are a matter for both sides, not something that we can do with wishful thinking." ”

(To be continued)