Qi Huishen never thought that the reason why he was urgently called back to Fengtai County by Chen Ke was to hold the first political review work. He didn't expect that the object he wanted to review was actually Wu Xingchen. Political censorship is not particularly unusual for the current BJP. As the number of BJP members continues to increase, the BJP has also re-conducted the "political review" of party members, in addition to the insurance measure of "joint and several liability" of party members. The entire People's Party, with the exception of Chen Ke, all party members and probationary party members were preliminarily examined by the People's Internal Affairs Committee. Chen Ke, who leads by example in other matters, is extremely rare to ask the People's Internal Affairs Committee not to conduct political trials on him. He stated that he could make public any information about himself after May 1905. But the information before 1905, Chen Ke really couldn't cooperate.

The People's Internal Affairs Committee led by Qi Huishen originally did not intend to conduct any political censorship of Chen Ke, since Chen Ke's words aroused all kinds of curiosity in the Internal Affairs Committee, but everyone only dared to speculate privately, and no one really dared to go against Chen Ke's wishes. Of course, Chen Ke also provided information such as name, gender, nationality, and place of origin. This basic information is enough for outsiders.

The political censorship that has been conducted so far is the primary examination of basic data collection, and this is the first time that a political review has been convened for the purpose of "loyalty inspection" in a base area. Qi Huishen had no experience in this, and after listening to Chen Ke's introduction of the task, he asked with some embarrassment: "Chairman Chen, what is the purpose of this kind of review?" ”

Chen Ke's answer was concise and to the point, "Since it is a loyalty inspection, the purpose is to determine that Comrade Wu Xingchen is a politically reliable comrade. ”

"Then it would be better to let Comrade Wu Xingchen stay in the base area to work. Why is there any need for a loyalty check? ”

"Because Comrade Wu Xingchen not only hopes to be recognized by the organization, but also hopes to be able to hand over the forces he has developed in Shandong to the party organization."

Qi Huishen was even more puzzled, "Then why don't you just send someone to Shandong?" ”

"I hope to be able to give Comrade Wu Xingchen an explanation, so that he will not be considered a peripheral force. And I don't want this work to be the beginning of mountaineering within the party. If you don't want to have a mountain in the party, then the responsible persons of all the base areas must be appointed by the party Central Committee. We will definitely appoint a new party secretary, and we will absolutely not let Comrade Wu Xingchen concurrently serve as the secretary of the local party committee. This political review is not just a review, it is an exchange. It is not an exchange between private individuals, but an exchange between Comrade Wu Xingchen as a party member and the party organization. ”

Qi Hui asked hesitantly: "That is to say, Comrade Wu Xingchen has to understand that he has to stand aside?" ”

"It is not that he stands aside, but that the Party Central Committee and the Shandong Party branch of the People's Party should lead the revolutionary work in the locality. Whether Comrade Wu Xingchen wants to choose to exist as the leader of the local progressive forces or to exist as a member of the People's Party. ”

"What's the use of talking about this kind of thing?" Qi Hui was a little puzzled. The People's Party is not developing its own strength in Shandong at all, and if Wu Xingchen only pays lip service to the situation but resists in action, the significance of such a statement can be said to be meaningless. The transfer of power is not a very simple matter, Qi Huishen is now concurrently serving as the secretary of the Fengyang Prefecture Party Committee, how difficult it is to seize the real power of the local area, he has deeply realized it in less than a month.

"If you don't even make a statement, then there is no possibility of the future. And I'm responsible for getting this thing to this point. If I had managed to establish a connection with Shandong at that time, things would not have come to this extent. Chen Ke frankly admitted his responsibility, "So I want to give Comrade Wu Xingchen a chance." That's where my responsibility lies. ”

Since Chen Ke said so, Qi Huishen probably understood the gist of his work. Wu Xingchen was taken to the office of the People's Internal Affairs Committee to write a report, first explaining his experience in words over the past year or so. Then there will be a conversation, and then there will be targeted inquiry. Qi Huishen was very unconfident that Wu Xingchen would be able to hold out under the inquiry. The People's Party has developed to the extent that it is today, and all Party members in the base areas have carried out a lot of work under the direct leadership of the Party. Wu Xingchen had a bit of an independent taste when he was in Shanghai, and he had been alone for so long outside. Qi Hui could think of Chen Ke's helplessness. If Wu Xingchen is determined to return to work in Shandong as soon as possible, his discipline will be questioned first. The People's Party's organizational discipline places the greatest emphasis on "obeying orders and listening to commands." No matter whether party members are doing big or small things, they must obey the decisions of the party committee. Party members can't do their own thing, and Wu Xingchen has undoubtedly greatly undermined this discipline.

When Qi Huishen was in charge of the work of the People's Internal Affairs Committee, he knew that he would encounter many thorny problems in this work. He didn't expect to encounter such an unpleasant job so soon. He suddenly felt that it would be good if the People's Internal Affairs Committee was personally in charge of the People's Internal Affairs Committee.

Chen Ke didn't know Qi Huishen's thoughts, and even if he knew, Chen Ke would only tell Qi Huishen that this was the division of revolutionary work. It is impossible for Chen Ke to rule all the affairs of the BJP alone. In order for this growing organization to run well. Chen Ke must gradually distribute power.

As chairman of the People's Party, Chen Ke found himself increasingly distant from the grassroots. In the past, Chen Ke could personally stand at the forefront of the work, but now Chen Ke can only solve problems through reports and conversations. In this regard, Chen Ke had to sigh how much helplessness there was in the glorious word "revolutionary leader". In addition to strategic design and ideological propaganda, leaders often have to wait for results. No matter what is accomplished or what is not accomplished, the leaders will undoubtedly assume the responsibility of the supreme leader. That is to say, the work of "carrying the black pot".

If it were a failed political organization in history, their tradition would put the blame on them, but Chen Ke did not want to repeat the mistakes of these people. Historically, the party was able to succeed only by relying on the style of "correcting mistakes and purging those who oppose them," and Chen Ke did not have the idea of shirking his responsibilities at all. It is not only he who cannot shirk his responsibilities, but all members of the BJP cannot shirk their responsibilities.

In addition to being responsible for Wu Xingchen, Chen Ke also had to face the revolutionaries from the south. Regarding the matter of inviting Huanghuagang "martyrs", Chen Ke felt that he was a little Meng Lang. At that time, the People's Party had not yet launched the Anqing Campaign, and the People's Party did not have a deep understanding of the party. In addition, Chen Ke himself was not confident enough at that time, and he felt that those with revolutionary enthusiasm should be comrades. Therefore, Chen Ke unconsciously had an overjudgment of those revolutionary "predecessors" who died generously.

After the Yue Wanghui occupied Anqing, various "deeds" were collected by the intelligence department of the People's Party and submitted in the past two days. Lu Zhengping and He Jinwu also returned safely after commanding the retreat of the Guangfu Society, and after Chen Ke understood the general situation, the whole person was almost petrified. His confidence in the revolutionaries of the old era was at an all-time low. The brilliance of these revolutionaries may simply be their ability to step up when someone is needed. But Chen Ke had no hope of relying on the spontaneous efforts of these people to build a strong new China.

Different mentalities have different attitudes. When Chen Ke met Lin Juemin and others, he unconsciously became calmer. Compared with Chen Ke's attitude, Lin Juemin, Fang Shengdong and others were extremely excited. After the two sides met and said hello, Fang Shengdong immediately asked excitedly: "Mr. Chen, I don't know when you are going to raise troops to overthrow the Manchu Qing?" ”

"Aren't we raising troops now to overthrow the Manchus?" Chen Ke poured a bucket of cold water on it.

Fang Shengdong completely misunderstood what Chen Ke meant, and he asked excitedly: "Is it possible that you are going to raise troops to attack Beijing, the old nest of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, in the near future?" ”

Chen Ke didn't explain more, he asked bluntly: "Revolutionary comrades, I want to ask something. Is the purpose of your revolution to overthrow the Manchus, or is it to save the people and give them a good life? ”

"This ......" Fang Sheng was stopped when he landed, and he asked suspiciously, "Is this any difference?" After the defeat of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, the people were naturally able to live a good life. ”

Chen Ke calmly looked at Fang Shengdong and the others, Chen Ke had spoken about this level of revolutionary truth too many times, and he didn't even have the excitement anymore, "Defeating the Manchus is defeating the Manchus, which is completely different from letting the people live a good life." It was not only the Manchu court that harmed the people, but I wrote "Diary of a Madman" to tell you that the current social system is cannibalism. If the people want to live a good life, they have to be liberated from this system. In ancient poems, it is said that there are frozen bones on the stinky road of Zhumen's wine and meat. There is no idle land in the four seas, and the farmers are still starving to death. This is not a poem of the Manchu era, but what is the difference between it and the current Manchu China? Just to overthrow the Manchu Qing, it was just to overthrow a Manchu Qing and then stand up another dynasty. Change the soup without changing the medicine. ”

After Fang Shengdong listened to Chen Ke's calm words, he couldn't help but praise loudly, "Well said, Mr. Chen, you said well!" That's why we have to overthrow the Manchus and promote the republic! If there is any more imperial system and constitutional imperial system, China will definitely have no future. Only under a republic, with democratic parliamentary politics, can the people have a way to live. Mr. Chen's insight is really not ordinary, except for Mr. Sun Yat-sen, I have really never seen anyone who can explain this question so clearly. ”

As soon as he heard that he was actually compared to Sun Yat-sen, Chen Ke was very unhappy at the time, and he couldn't help but sneer: "Don't compare me with people like Sun Dacang. ”

Fang Shengdong and the others looked at Chen Ke's face very unpleasantly, and they were all stunned. Chen Ke knew that these young people respected Sun Yat-sen very much, and he felt that there was no need to intensify unnecessary contradictions on this issue. He smiled and said, "Mr. Sun Yat-sen and I are not on the same path. There is no comparison. ”

"Why do you say that?" Luo Nailin asked with interest.

"Sun Yat-sen's pursuit of power was to gain power and power after the defeat of the Manchus. We, the People's Party, first liberated the people from the old system of cannibalism, and gained power through the recognition and support of the people. The two have completely different bases. So there is nothing to compare. ”

Luo Nailin didn't speak, and even the introduction was introduced by Lin Juemin on his behalf. But after listening to Chen Ke's explanation, he asked, "Then what is the difference between the two?" ”

"The difference is that we, the People's Party, are here to give power to the people and to work for the people. Mr. Sun's revolution, to put it mildly, is to let others work for him. ”

"Mr. Chen's words are a bit too mean, aren't they?" Fang Shengdong immediately retorted excitedly.

Chen Ke couldn't hold back any longer, and he retorted unceremoniously: "Then where was Mr. Sun when the people of Anhui faced the flood?" He's lobbiing around with his little Japanese wife to get money? Where was Mr. Sun when the revolutionary party was revolting everywhere? He's conducting remotely in Japan. In every time he faced death, where was Mr. Sun? It's not in a dangerous place anyway. We have no such revolutionaries in our People's Party. We, the People's Party, are about doing solid work. ”

Because some things haven't happened yet, Chen Ke can't say more about things that haven't happened. In addition to being keen to play with underage girls, Sun Dacang's life is to seize power and find money. Then there is the killing of former "revolutionary comrades-in-arms". The only time it can be called "facing death" is when he was in Guangdong, when Chen Jiongming opposed Sun Yat-sen's collection of taxes by opening tobacco houses and casinos, and also opposed Sun Yat-sen's Northern Expedition. Sun Yat-sen wanted to assassinate Chen Jiongming, because he was alone and no one listened to his assassination order. As a result, Sun Yat-sen was driven away by troops loyal to Chen Jiongming. At that time, the so-called troops besieging the "Presidential Palace" did not want Sun Yat-sen's life at all. They got out of the way and let Sun Yat-sen go, but only symbolically seized the "presidential palace" as a gesture. As a result, after Sun Yat-sen got on the battleship, he immediately ordered the warship to retaliate and bombard the city of Guangzhou for several days in a row, killing hundreds of Guangdong citizens. The "great president" who ordered warships to open fire on the citizens, Sun Yat-sen can also be regarded as a very distinctive one.

As for Sun Yat-sen's die-hards after the Xinhai Revolution, they went on a killing spree against the Restoration Society, including the foggy assassination of Song Jiaoren, and Sun Yat-sen always had Sun Yat-sen behind him. If Sun Yat-sen can't control these subordinates, then it can only be said that Sun Yat-sen is incompetent. If Sun Yat-sen can effectively control these subordinates, then Sun Yat-sen is the mastermind, or at least approves of these people's actions. Moreover, in a lot of information that Chen Ke saw, Sun Yat-sen already had the idea of "Qing Communist" during his lifetime, just because he died at that time, and Chiang Kai-shek later made a 412 counter-revolutionary coup d'état in order to seize power. Chasing its roots, Sun Yat-sen is absolutely inseparable.

The more information he reads, the lower Chen Ke's evaluation of Sun Yat-sen becomes. "Poor character and vicious methods." This is Chen Ke's impression of Sun Yat-sen. If there is a chance, Chen Ke feels that he must first get rid of Sun Yat-sen and his subordinates Chen Qimei and Jiang Jie. Without them, China would only be better.

Contrary to Fang Shengdong's attempt to refute Chen Ke's words, Luo Nailin praised, "Mr. Chen said it well. Everyone's eyes were originally on Chen Ke, but hearing Luo Nailin say this, Fang Shengdong's angry gaze fell on Luo Nailin's face.

Luo Nailin didn't care about other people's eyes at all, he smiled and said, "Mr. Chen, these people are all members of the Alliance. Under is the Restoration Society. Although we all know Mr. Huang Xing, we are not from the same party. ”

This surprised Chen Ke, who had never known the relationship between the League and the Restoration Society in 1907. But looking at the Xinhai Revolution, the League will kill the Restoration Society, plus Luo Nailin's expression. It seems that the contradictions between the two political parties did not intensify after the Xinhai Revolution.

Luo Nailin continued, "Mr. Chen, I have great admiration for the People's Party to do this. But I don't know what Mr. Chen asked us to come to Anhui to teach. It won't just be let's take a look. ”

"I have heard that you are all revolutionary comrades, so I hope that you can join our People's Party and lay a new ground for the Chinese people. However, we, the BJP, will never allow people in the party to have dual party status. So I think I'm Meng Lang. ”

"Does Mr. Chen want us to join the People's Party?" Lin Juemin asked.

"Yes." Chen Ke looked at Lin Juemin and felt a little pity in his heart. Chen Ke still cares about characters like Lin Juemin.

Lin Juemin smiled: "I have neither joined the Alliance nor the Restoration Society. However, I don't know if Mr. Chen can be recruited. ”

Chen Ke looked at Lin Juemin's expression and knew that Lin Juemin had no intention of joining the People's Party at this time, and he also smiled and said: "Our People's Party only recruits comrades who join voluntarily, and even if they join voluntarily, if they do not truly agree with the revolutionary program of our People's Party, we will not recruit them." ”

"What is the political position of the People's Party?"

"The people's revolution, the establishment of a people's democratic dictatorship."

"The people's democratic dictatorship?" Lin Juemin put away his smile, "Democracy is democracy, dictatorship is dictatorship, how can it be democracy and dictatorship?" Mr. Chan is joking, right? ”

"What do you think Brother Lin thinks is democracy?" Chen Ke also put away his smile.

Lin Juemin Zhengse said: "Naturally, it is a republic, and the parliament elects representatives to govern the country. Freedom, equality, fraternity. ”

Chen Ke asked, "When will the parliamentary system be able to represent the people?" ”

"The members of parliament are elected by the people, so how can they not represent the people?" Lin Juemin looked at Chen Ke with a surprised gaze as he spoke. He didn't believe that Chen Ke didn't even understand such a basic truth.

Chen Kezhengse said: "The parliamentary system is a place where various interest groups play games, and how can such a place elect democratic representatives who represent the interests of the people. For example, do Fujian's legislators dare to propose policies that benefit the country to some extent, but harm Fujian's interests? In order to vote, they must represent, or at least ostensibly represent, the interests of the electorate. How do you say that this kind of system can elect representatives who represent the interests of the entire Chinese people? ”