The liberation of Malaysia, the liberation of Singapore, and the liberation of the Dutch East Indies, one victory after another did not make Chen Ke ecstatic. Or it just made Chen Ke happy for ten minutes. Chen Ke's thinking did not stop at victory, and soon, Chen Ke's thinking entered the content of the follow-up of the war.

What kind of war is it is not a question at all for Chen Ke. Chen Ke will never refuse to move forward because some people will regard this war as an "imperialist struggle for hegemony". Chen Ke firmly believes that Li Runshi will never know him like this. This is also the explanation given by Chen Ke to the Politburo Standing Committee and even the enlarged meeting of the Standing Committee of the People's Party when Comrade Li Runshi was elected general secretary of the People's Party.

If another person says this kind of thing, or if Li Runshi says this kind of thing, it will definitely be used as an excuse to push Li Runshi to power. However, when Chen Ke said this, everyone felt that they could accept this reason. In their work, the comrades all recognized Comrade Li Runshi's ability. Although this young comrade is a little more impatient, Comrade Li Runshi's perspective, ideas, and steps, as well as his grasp, elaboration, and response to problems, have all made the comrades very agreeable. Li Runshi is definitely not a person who will procrastinate or avoid problems because they are thorny. The same is true of Comrade Peiguo in this regard.

"Let's not annex these countries and don't try to create some puppet regime. Nothing good will come of the imperialist system, and Hitler's speeches, of course, are lies, but what he quotes is true. In a recent speech, Irish Prime Minister De 61 Valera condemned Britain's continued aggression against Ireland. Palestine, the Middle East Gulf, and Iran are all trying to rebel against British rule, both overtly and covertly. Even in India, the origin of the Indian emperor on the head of the British king, the Indian people rebelled against the British rule. ”

For Chen Ke, if the Anti-Japanese War had not been for the precipitation and accumulation of thousands of years of Chinese culture, if there was no inner ideological vitality of the great Chinese people, and the backbone of China that appeared in this cultural and ideological vitality, China would have really failed completely.

"The difference between these countries and the United Kingdom, the differences between these countries and regions and China are basically the same, these oppressed countries have not entered the industrial age, none of them have a modern state system, and they do not have the ability to confront foreign countries ideologically, systematically, industrially, and organizationally. I don't want to laugh at them, but we have to admit that they are lagging behind the British. In this era, backwardness means being beaten. ”

China's liberation came so rapidly that the People's Party's internal education and school education did not blindly negate the Manchu Qing's efforts in industrial construction. It only criticizes and analyzes the low investment efficiency and the very backward industrial level of the Manchu Qing because they did not understand industry and did not understand the industrial system. After the People's Party took over the Manchu investment in industry, it made full use of these valuable Chinese industrial investments.

Now that the BJP is looking at the world with its eyes open, the comrades will not think that those regions are inherently backward. Everyone knows very well that there is no industrial system in the areas controlled by China through war, and even fragmentary unilateral industries are very scarce and backward. These regions simply joined the cycle of the capitalist commercial system, and the products they supplied were just raw materials.

"These regions cannot be viewed from any point of view, especially from the point of view of China's own interests, in terms of the imperialist war for colonies. It must be treated differently. Chen Ke used these words to make a temporary conclusion.

If we have to look at it from the perspective of imperialist colonial wars, Chen Ke's words can be understood as the absolute annexation of Australia and New Zealand. Malaysia and the Dutch East Indies were divided into several or even a dozen small puppet states. But that's really not what Chen Ke intended. Comrades are well aware of this.

China itself is a big country with a vast territory, and after the founding of New China, the People's Party has truly penetrated into various regions. Only then did I realize that the disparity between regions was staggering. The level of productivity in many remote areas is close to that of primitive societies, and the social structure is still in the slave era. The socialist transformation of these areas also had to fight against the slave owners.

The only way is to let everyone go to school, to fight the children out of the old productive forces, and to transform those areas by raising the level of productive forces. China's elite areas accept new things relatively quickly, and the cost of upgrading China's elite areas is much smaller than that of remote and backward areas.

In the Guangxi region of Yunnan Province, the work team had to fight against the slave owners as oppressors in the morning, the trade in women as the masses of the people in the afternoon, and in the evening they had to gather the people who had struggled together to attend classes on production skills and personal hygiene.

Engels's passage has been repeatedly mentioned in the work of the Chinese revolution: "The ultimate cause of all social and political changes should not be sought in people's minds, in people's growing understanding of eternal truth and justice, but in changes in the modes of production and exchange; It should not be found in the philosophy of the relevant era, but in the economics of the relevant era. The irrationality and unfairness of the existing system, the growing awareness that 'rationality has become nonsense, and happiness has become misery', is only a symbol of the quiet change that has taken place in the methods of production and the forms of exchange. ”

The People's Party has profoundly realized one thing in the practice of the revolution, that after the Opium War, great changes did take place in the whole of China, and even the political system of the Manchu Qing Dynasty itself had interesting things. That is, China's local business practices have not been suppressed. When the People's Party's railroad was built there, the natural trade that had already existed was immediately and completely activated. In order to earn money faster, the people threw themselves into the tide of trade.

Nothing could not be bought and sold, and in order to be able to control trade, feudalism combined with populist tendencies that were just beginning to emerge, and strong local protectionist tendencies emerged. The smoother the flow of goods, the greater the gap in the level of productivity between the regions where commodities flow, and the stronger the local protectionism.

This is still the case at home, in Southeast Asia, where the level of general productive forces is even less backward than in China, and in Southeast Asia, which has entered the capitalist world trading system. Trying to change Southeast Asia by relying on China's coercive intervention is a loss-making act in terms of cost. It's a terrible problem in terms of efficiency.

Rather than letting the BJP do it on its own, it would be more scientific for all parts of Southeast Asia to take their own approach to form their own countries and let them choose their own development paths. China can provide guidance and help, but it cannot directly and forcibly intervene.

At this time, the comrades of the enlarged meeting of the Politburo could not help but miss Comrade Zhang Yu. Comrade Li Runshi, as general secretary of the People's Party and head of the Propaganda Department, is very suitable to be a leader in terms of yang schemes, but he is not entirely suitable for these dark aspects of work.

However, everyone soon learned one thing, Comrade Zhang Yu was going back to Zhengzhou to join the Central Advisory Committee. With this adviser present, the comrades suddenly felt a lot more relaxed in their hearts. As a "dark faction" in the top echelons of the People's Party, Zhang Yu has always had a great reputation, and no one in the People's Party dares to ridicule Zhang Yu for this, not because Zhang Yu himself is so dark, but because Zhang Yu is particularly able to understand the dark side of human hearts. Since Zhang Yu left the front line because of cardiovascular disease, he could afford to put it down, so he simply went back to his hometown to do social research. It was not until after the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army liberated the Dutch East Indies that Zhang Yu returned to Beijing.

The first generation of leaders of every country has one thing in common, that is, great prestige. This prestige is a bit feudal in a way, and most of the original institutions were established by this group of people, so these people have a huge influence on the system. Chen Ke was able to have overwhelming authority, of course, because he led everyone out of a road to victory, but also because Chen Ke built around the system of theory and practice to produce victory. Chen Ke is the founder of the system and the interpreter of the system. To deny Chen Ke is to deny the current system. Just as the denial of Zhang Yu is tantamount to a denial of the current propaganda and the system inherited from the diplomatic department.

"Since the noose is put around the neck by the foreign devils themselves, then we are obliged to kick the stool at their feet." Zhang Yu lobbied in the Politburo. No one wanted to oppose Zhang Yu, although there was no comrade who particularly supported him. After seizing all of Southeast Asia, including the Dutch East Indies, China's impulse to continue southward was not so strong. The financial pressure is so great that hundreds of members of the Central Committee of the People's Party are feeling the pressure.

Although Chen Ke has been shouting about the wartime system, China's huge industrial production capacity does not really need to be fully adjusted. The basic departments that determine people's lives are all state-owned enterprises, and the technological update of state-owned enterprises is related to orders and scientific research plans. This is one of the main driving forces for the progress of China's industrial level.

Chen Ke's "southward plan" proposed at a meeting of 12 people a few years ago is still a secret, and China's plan to attack the south is already a well-known fact. Zhang Yu found that the comrades' feelings about the southward expansion plan were not necessarily about expanding the territory, nor were they necessarily nationalist passions, nor were they necessarily about the promotion of the socialist system. Everyone is very realistic to seek a larger share of the interest group to which they belong. Even if it is not the kind of profit that seeks private deals, it is the meaning of the industrial age to fight for more shares of the interest groups within the system.

Zhang Yu didn't know how to describe this matter, the most important reason why the 12-member meeting did not agree to take the initiative to go south a few years ago was the issue of national strength. At that time, it was expected that China would need a full-scale mobilization and would need to devote all its production capacity to the war. Now it seems that the war requires less intense investment than it seems.

Without investigation, there is no right to speak, Zhang Yu has been away from the front line for several years, and the Ministry of Personnel has arranged for Li Runshi to introduce the latest progress in the past few years to Zhang Yu.

"Comrade Zhang Yu, we didn't do anything special, we just strengthened the construction of the party organization." Li Runshi said this at the beginning of the report.

Even if Li Runshi was the candidate recommended by himself, Zhang Yu still listened very carefully. There is neither condescension nor the self-satisfaction of a "benefactor".

After listening to the report, Zhang Yu took a train to Anhui under the leadership of Li Runshi to visit the computer research center of the National University of Defense Technology. China's locomotives have begun to gradually replace their locomotives from steam locomotives to diesel locomotives, and trains have begun to increase their speed. The sleepers of several main lines were changed from wooden to concrete.

"Why did you put transistors and computer centers in Anhui?" Zhang Yu asked after getting on the train. Just as Fengtai County, once the center of the Chinese revolution, has now returned to the status of an ordinary county seat in China. It's as if the glory of the past never happened.

"Due to climate reasons, the air humidity north of the Huai River is not enough, and there is more floating dust, which is not suitable for the production of these precision equipment. We also have plans to put our new mature production base in Malaysia, where the air is more suitable for these delicate components. Li Runshi replied.

"Is this Chairman Chen's opinion?" Zhang Yu asked casually.

Li Runshi smiled: "This is the opinion of scientific and technological workers. ”

"Oh?" Zhang Yuden became interested, "Many industries have moved to the coast, and moving to the south is also the suggestion of front-line workers?" ”

"Some are recommendations from tech workers, some are from the business sector." Li Runshi's answer to this was in a rather satisfied tone.

Zhang Yu nodded, this change is indeed refreshing. Getting rid of Chen Ke's guidance in specific work, China's technology industry seems to have entered a new realm, which is the common expectation of Chen Ke and even the upper echelons of the People's Party. If the science and technology department becomes Chen Ke's one-man department, what will happen after Chen Ke dies.

Zhang Yu was once responsible for the struggle against the theft of Chen Ke's XXX speech in the science and technology department, and the major reorganization cleaned up the science and technology department. Most of the guys who consider themselves to be the children and grandchildren of Chen Ke's disciples, and try to use this identity they have created to gain special status, have been kicked out of the tech team, or at least marginalized. Zhang Yu is not afraid of offending people at all, this is first of all the unanimous decision of the Politburo Standing Committee meeting, and one of the 5+2 members of the Politburo is not something that those who try to use the "Chen Ke tablet" can confront them.

Of course, the sequelae of this is that after that, a group of people who are "industry experts", "noble conduct", "outstanding in character" and "not afraid of power" have no competitors, and they will jump out to be academic tyrants. The rectification of these people, which began a few years ago, was the responsibility of Propaganda Minister Lee Yun-seok. Zhang Yu held back and didn't ask Li Runshi how he did it. He wanted to see through his own eyes what the tech team looked like now after two cleanings.

At the University of Science and Technology in Hefei, which specializes in electronic technology and nuclear technology, Zhang Yu wore a visit badge and visited a heavily defended scientific research institution accompanied by Li Runshi, who also wore a visit badge.

As soon as you enter the research institute, you will see blackboards hanging on both sides of the central hall. The frames of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Chen Ke were squeezed close to the roof. The blackboard is full of research lectures and experimental seminars. Zhang Yu watched it for a while, but he didn't understand what these lectures were about. There was a lecture about to start at this time, so Zhang Yu went to the conference room to attend the lecture.

Most of the people coming and going in the corridor are young people, very young people, looking at their age only in their twenties and thirties. Even some people who are about 50 years old are dressed plainly and walk in a hurry. What emerges from the calm is a kind of vitality that races against time.

The conference room is quite large, but there are not many people. I saw a young man with messy hair, looking like he was in his early twenties. A handful of hair on the back of his head was raised upward, apparently not long after he woke up. He rubbed off his eye droppings like a cat washing his face, picked up a large glass bottle of tea, poured it wildly, wiped his mouth with the back of his hand, and began to lecture.

The content of the talk was about the problem of electronic transitions, and as soon as the experiment table was written and drawn, the young man began to talk about the research project he was responsible for. These cutting-edge technologies are the same as listening to the book of heaven for Zhang Yu, and Zhang Yu did not plan to study here. He carefully observed the members of the meeting, some older than the one on the stage, and some younger than this one. Everyone was listening, there was no music to play, nothing else. A few of them even got up and left after listening for a while, seemingly rude. Both the lecturers and the listeners turned a blind eye to this.

Interesting, isn't it? Zhang Yu was talking to himself in his heart.

I visited several lectures in a row, and this kind of performance is the norm. Whether it is a young person or a middle-aged person, the attitude when speaking is very natural, and there are older people who question the younger ones, and some young people who question the older ones. Don't talk about responsibility, don't talk about hypocrisy, everyone speaks, everyone has their own ideas. When the argument seemed unfriendly, everyone began to send "Let's go to the library card". Various materials and experiments are listed.

One of the things that made Zhang Yu feel the most funny was that a god knows what experiment sparked a debate, and everyone was not sure which process to adopt first. Finally, the older man took out a coin to decide the order of the experiment. Hear "Let's guess one!" At the words, Zhang Yu's face showed a look of forbearance.

After inspecting the circle, Zhang Yu praised: "Good job." ”

"In democratic centralism, everyone has to have a voice." Li Runshi replied.