"Why should we oppose feudalism, and what do comrades think is the biggest difference between feudalism and socialism?"

This final question is a key question in the final exam of the party school. So far, there has been no standard answer in the party school. There were more than 6,000 answers, and the 20 adjudicators of the party school had a consensus on this.

"The power structure of our People's Party is not divided from the top down, but from the bottom up through democratic centralism. If the comrades don't understand this...... "Shang Yuan is still a little worried. However, the humorous area in Shang Yuan's mind had a slightly different association. The People's Party examination is very similar to the imperial examination.

"That's just part of the system. I am also a little worried about whether I can distinguish between the restrictive and protective roles of the system, and whether I can understand the concept of the revolutionary vanguard of the People's Party members, and keep urging myself to ....... Qi Huishen is also not sure about this.

He Zudao was silent, as the supreme leader of the army's political work system, He Zudao was in charge of the military and politics. The power of revolutionary consciousness, and the dangers of blindly believing in "revolutionary consciousness", He Zudao may have more contact with than everyone in this room.

The 20 comrades of the party school examination team sitting around the long table knew that this was an unparalleled judgment of the papers, not only the papers, but also the stacks of files in the archives behind them. All kinds of relevant records of these 6,000 people are in it.

The papers for the final exam are of course important, but earlier, there were 20 core judges, more than 80 members of the marking team, and 200 researchers. These 300-strong contingent is now the core of the BJP's future.

Lu Huitian didn't speak, he had already discovered a problem. The members of the People's Party who first followed Chen Ke to Fengtai County were less than 30 members of the 300-strong core team. A large number of young local cadres have begun to enter the core strata of the Party Central Committee. There are also a large number of cadres who have not yet entered the Central Committee, but who are about to be entrusted with important tasks. If there was once such a "Fudan School" in Shanghai, now in the party, the Fudan School is already a very inconspicuous group of people. Shang Yuan is a northerner, and Qi Huishen and He Zudao have nothing to do with Fudan Public School. Many of the newly rising comrades are young local cadres in Anhui. No matter how Chen Ke opposed and killed the landlords and gentry, the young comrades from the former small landlords and rich peasant families in Anhui still accounted for nearly 40 percent.

Lu Huitian felt at a loss about the tremendous changes in the party's organization.

Chen Ke looked around at the comrades, even after such a long time of discussion and training, Chen Ke was still a little uneasy in his heart, and he couldn't help but emphasize again: "I will tell the comrades again, the establishment of the system is not because I do not believe in the subjective initiative of the comrades. Rather, it is necessary to ensure organizational discipline and ensure the effective implementation of work. This is the essence of modern industrial management, in the face of a complex and simple social system, a person can only be responsible for one aspect of the work. If we want to do everything well, we must complete the division of labor and cooperation under the system. In this training at the party school, we must eliminate the feudal idea of separating power from within the party. If we do not get rid of the separation of power, our People's Party will be a dead end in a few years. The large-scale industrial system that is now being built is based on the funds accumulated by the huge labor force taken from the masses, which are all the people's hard-earned money. If it is the systemic problem that leads to the waste of these, it is a crime against the people. ”

The nineteen comrades all nodded slightly, and everyone understood the concept of power separation. It is also a core part of the Chinese cultural tradition. As early as when Chen Ke wrote the book "The Life of Cixi", he began to prepare for a thorough attack on the biggest enemy of the moment, the "feudal power separation".

Cixi never cared what was going on everywhere, for her, power was her own first and foremost core purpose, only in this way could Cixi use power to do whatever she wanted. The power system of the Manchu Qing Dynasty was only to maintain the feudal power system centered on Cixi. The core purpose of the Manchu personnel arrangement, various internal policies, daily taxation, foreign diplomacy and warfare was to maintain the existence and operation of the Manchu power separation system.

In this regard, Chen Ke can see the root of all Cixi's words and deeds even better than Cixi herself.

After reading "The Life of Cixi", the cadres of the People's Party had an unprecedented level of understanding of the Manchu Qing Dynasty. Therefore, while supporting and appreciating Chen Ke, the comrades even felt some sympathy for Chen Ke, who was committed to abolishing the power separation system within the People's Party.

Chen Ke himself also has a great sense of crisis about the current system of the People's Party. As before, he told the truth to the comrades in the party, but out of extremely realistic considerations, Chen Ke told the core comrades more bluntly.

In a sense, the People's Party is now Chen Ke's hall. Chen Ke's explanation of the political strategy is just to teach the comrades how to do it, and the party organizations at all levels of the People's Party only need to be responsible at each level. As long as they can thoroughly implement the party's program and policies put forward by Chairman Chen, they will obey Chairman Chen's command. That's going to be unfavorable. In this situation, intra-party democracy has become "a democratic discussion on how to better listen to Chairman Chen's words".

If we remove the concepts of "anti-exploitation, equality, science, and democracy" that Chen Ke has repeatedly emphasized from beginning to end, I am afraid that the Manchu system will look more humane, more considerate, and more courteous than the People's Party.

This is also what Chen Ke fears the most, if these core programs that he has tried his best to promote are overthrown, and with the organizational characteristics of the current People's Party, it will only be a matter of minutes. The collapse of the USSR has proven all this.

In the history of the existence of private ownership for thousands of years, Chen Ke was not sure whether the base area could persist under the watchful eyes of private ownership forces all around. Even if Chen Ke dragged the People's Party into the era of great industrialization, once "anti-exploitation, equality, science, and democracy" were overthrown, China would only advance by leaps and bounds towards a new fascist empire.

In the face of Chen Ke's heart-to-heart discussion and exchange as always, the comrades' initial feeling was "surprise". If it weren't for Chen Ke's consistent political propaganda, if it weren't for Chen Ke's consistent commitment to establishing an organizational model of democratic centralism, if it weren't for Chen Ke's dedication to the party. More importantly, if it weren't for Chen Ke personally leading the comrades to create such grand revolutionary achievements, the 19 core cadres present here would never have believed that this was Chen Ke's true words.

All of you here are young people with strong blood and strength, and they all participated in the revolution with the firm purpose of saving the country and the people, or at least being loyal to Chen Ke. The leaders of the revolution have so frankly confessed, what else do the comrades have to say. The revolution has so far proved its effectiveness, and the comrades have seen the brink of a glorious future. Regardless of whether they want to maintain the feudal power division with themselves as the core, at least the core high-level leaders have also reached a consensus on "eliminating the feudal power division within the party".

Since the separation of power is to be eliminated, there must be a corresponding system to replace the political structure of power separation. It was not with great difficulty that Chen Ke reached a consensus within the party on the management system of large-scale industrialization. "Discipline of steel, a comprehensive democratic mode of life within the party organization." The top brass accepted Chen's opinion.

There was still some time before the end of the exam, and Zhang Yu, who had been silent, suddenly asked: "Chairman Chen, do you think Beiyang will fully implement the feudal division of power?" How far will they go? ”

This question aroused the interest of many comrades.

Chen Ke replied: "Beiyang is a military head system, and everyone knows this. It is impossible not to divide the seals. As for the degree of separation, it depends on Yuan Shikai's own control ability and his own attitude towards understanding. Let's wait and see. ”

"And what about the possibility of a military conflict?" Zhang Yu then asked, "Before participating in this party school training this time, I still felt that we were majestic. Now we see ourselves on the edge of a cliff. If the enemy at home and abroad jointly attacks us now, we are afraid that we will really not be able to withstand it. ”

If a person can face reality, he can be stunned when he sees close, and he can be scared to death when he sees far. Zhang Yu's attitude is not outrageous, if the enemies at home and abroad are really completely united and work together, the People's Party will indeed not be able to withstand it. After listening to Zhang Yu's words, at least a few comrades looked a little nervous.

Chen Ke was silent, and He Zudao had already answered the question, "The enemy at home and abroad is driven by economic interests. Now the decisive battle with our People's Party is a huge loss-making deal. They won't do that. ”

"Our military strength has now reached its weakest time, and once there is a situation in which all provinces across the country encircle and suppress our People's Party, foreign devils will dare to blackmail us. At that time, did the comrades have the confidence to persevere to the end? Zhang Yu glanced at Lu Huitian and asked.

Lu Huitian's face changed immediately, and he should come back. Lu Huitian's line of compromise with the existing local forces once aroused the dissatisfaction of many comrades, Zhang Yu never thought that the local gentry had anything to unite, and the enclosure of northern Anhui had been swept away by Chen Ke's time. After Zhang Yu arrived in southern Anhui, he spent a lot of effort on land reform.

"Comrade Zhang Yu, if you have any opinions, please say it directly, I don't understand it if it's hidden like this." Lu Huitian fought back without showing weakness.

"The matter of land reform is not so simple, and it is not appropriate to completely copy the land reform in northern Anhui. It is very difficult to implement land reform in southern Anhui, and I think the next step is to focus on this. Zhang Yu said calmly.

This attitude made Lu Huitian feel very surprised, and he thought that Zhang Yu was going to attack the "right-leaning capitulationist line of Lu Huitian". It turned out to be like he was too careful.

Chen Ke waved his hand, "The land reform work has to be arranged after the party building first, and the iron has to be hard by itself." There are so many problems in the party organization, so let's improve the party organization first. ”

As he was talking, the bell outside suddenly rang, and the exam was over.

For the next few days, the judging team worked almost all night. Written test, oral test, and comprehensive assessment. Of the 6,000 members of the People's Party, only about 700 were able to have a spontaneous and conscious understanding of the revolution. And those who can treat the revolution with a learning attitude, do not put their own personal interests first for the time being, and have an attitude of dedication, 2400 are just in their early years.

Most of the remaining 3,500 people have a tendency to be "clever". Either they are good at expressing themselves, pretending to be positive, and belong to the category of speculators. Or maybe it's really good at some aspect of the job. But it is regrettable to rest on their laurels and use these performances as their own capital.

Chen Ke didn't know whether to change to the more than 3,500 unqualified party members and probationary party members to be unhappy, or to be happy for the 2,400 party members.

However, the course will be closed when it is time to close, May 14th. Chen Ke gathered 700 outstanding comrades and took the oath of joining the party to more than 140 of them.

"I swear."

"We take an oath!"

"I volunteered to join the Chinese People's Party."

"We voluntarily joined the Chinese People's Party."

"Abide by the party's constitution."

"Abide by the party's constitution."

"Obey the party's command."

"Obey the party's command."

……

Chen Ke, who was watching the ceremony, did not feel excited at all, thinking that these comrades would have to go through the harsh tests of practical work, thinking of the long and arduous process, and then thinking of the future of the world situation. Historically, it would take four years for World War I to break out. Due to the butterfly effect brought about by the emergence of Chen Ke, the specific time and causes of World War I can no longer be copied from history. Although this war is bound to break out, Chen Ke also feels quite apprehensive when he thinks of the unpredictability of the future.

After taking the oath, Chen Ke took the stage to make a speech, and after first welcoming the new party members, Chen Ke asked everyone to make comprehensive ideological preparations, improve the party organization and government organization in the future work, keep close contact with the masses, mobilize the masses, and complete the tasks assigned by the party.

Different from the enthusiastic demeanor of the young comrades in the audience, Chen Ke's attitude was calm and forceful. He used to think that the leader standing on the stage was relaxed, as long as he said a few words, the people below him would get things done. Now Chen Ke is very clear about the weight of the responsibility on his shoulders, although he is not timid, but Chen Ke no longer has time to sigh.

With this group of quite outstanding comrades as the backbone, the structure of the four provinces of the People's Party has been comprehensively adjusted. The core leaders of the Central Committee are all there, and the Organization Department has finished talking with these comrades, according to the needs of both directions. The leadership of the People's Party in all provinces, cities, and counties has been comprehensively readjusted. In addition to the Central Party School, all provinces have begun to prepare for the establishment of their own provincial party schools and cadre schools, and all cities have also begun to prepare for the establishment of municipal party schools and cadre schools.

Comrades who performed well were entrusted with important tasks, and other comrades were rearranged in their posts according to their characteristics.

The final focus was on the more than 600 comrades who had been judged to be unqualified, and it was suggested that they should be purged from the revolutionary ranks by a direct announcement in the party schools. After much discussion, it was finally decided to let them go back for the time being, and the local party organization would decide whether these comrades would stay or go. It was also a test for the new local organization.

On June 1, Chen Ke made a report at the public meeting. In terms of system, Chen Ke announced the resolution of the Party Central Committee, saying that in the future, regular training in party schools and cadre schools must be regarded as an important task of the party and the government.

Ideologically, it is to determine the work of countering exploitation, establishing and beginning to improve the understanding of the socialist system, and eliminating the idea of feudal power separation within the party.

The specific task is to strengthen local land reform, speed up rural construction and the export of raw silk, and each locality will make every effort to promote the construction of rural water conservancy and the construction of improved seed bases according to their own specific conditions.

On June 2, cadres from all over the country began to return to work in batches. Chen Kehe and the General Office of the CPC Central Committee temporarily stayed in Wuhan to work.

This great gathering of the People's Party made the various forces bordering the People's Party quite nervous, and the long-term preparation of so many people was regarded by many local forces as a pre-war mobilization. The provinces actively mobilized their troops, either stationed troops in the border areas or prepared for war in various places. Even Beiyang Yuan Shikai, who has a secret agreement with the People's Party, is very nervous.

In the news that He Ruming brought back to Beijing, although Chen Ke once again promised that he would not start a war with Beiyang, Yuan Shikai would not really be stupid to believe it. Based on the powerful armed forces, the People's Party can tear up the agreement with Beiyang at any time. Chen Ke said that he would accept the new government after the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty, but he also made it clear that he would not obey the dictation of the Manchu government. Yuan Shikai grasped the power of the Manchu Qing Dynasty, but the banner of the Manchu Qing Dynasty was still flying on his head. As long as this banner remains, Chen Ke will have a reason to go to war with the "Manchu regime" at any time.

But the Beiyang regime is now mired in civil strife, and it is Yuan Shikai's job to control the overall situation. The various forces under the Beiyang could not intervene. However, the autonomy of the provinces is the benefit that Yuan Shikai promised them, and everyone must fight for it.

When the People's Party was building the party, Beiyang was also competing for internal interests. Yuan Shikai finally determined the interest structure of Beiyang, and the four provinces of Shandong, Shanxi, Henan, and Hebei were directly under Beiyang. The six towns of Beiyang will be expanded into eight towns of Beiyang, which will be stationed in the four provinces of Zhili and the Beijing area. The four northeastern provinces and Zhejiang will each build their own local armies under the Jiangwutang system established in Beiyang.

Yuan Shikai could not put all his energy on guarding against the attack of the People's Party, and as the central committee, Yuan Shikai had to undertake a lot of work. For example, the resumption of patrols on the Sino-Russian border. Defend against Japanese attacks on the border between China and North Korea. The Manchu indemnity also had to be borne by Beiyang for the time being, which cost money. In the event of a war with the People's Party, or a military confrontation, Beiyang's financial resources will not be able to bear it.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai simply ignored the People's Party, and he made appointments with the embassies of various countries one after another, while inquiring about the attitudes of all parties towards Yuan Shikai, and on the other hand, began to discuss what conditions the countries would put forward under the new situation after Beiyang controlled the whole country.