2 August 1934, Posen-West Prussia, Neudyk.

Ludwig. Feng. Heinsberg-Hersmann and his wife Chloe had left Berlin two days earlier and arrived at the Schleicher family's knights' estate in Neudyk with their old friends, Admiral Schleicher and his wife. They were here to bid farewell to the President of the German Empire, Paul. Feng. Hindenburg's. President Hindenburg's estate in Neudyk is near the Schleicher estate, where Hindenburg has been waiting for death since 1934.

A generation of strongmen, the patron saint of the German Empire, is about to complete 87 years of long life. Although in the last years of his life, he was in an extremely poor state of health and intelligence. But his presence was the greatest stabilizing factor for the German Empire.

It's hard to imagine this for someone who hasn't experienced strongman politics. But Hersmann, as a figure in the inner circle of Germany's highest power, is well aware of this - President Hindenburg is not the only one who can restrain Adolf in this time and space. Hitler's man, but he was undoubtedly a thick iron chain around Hitler's neck.

In particular, in the past three years, Germany has been developing in an orderly manner under Hitler's new political theory. The economy recovered, the military power rose rapidly, and the international environment for Germany was greatly improved by the signing of the Locarno Convention of the East.

Under these circumstances, almost all of them were very satisfied with Hitler's rule, and Hitler's authority was rising rapidly. Not long ago, in June, Hitler again demanded that President Hindenburg dissolve the parliament and call for a general election. The Nazi Party and the People's Party of the Fatherland won more than 80 percent of the seats in parliament.

After the parliamentary elections, the Nazi Party and the People's Party of the Fatherland forced the Transitional Justice Ordinance in Parliament, and on 1 July 1934, the Social Democrats were outlawed.

Meanwhile. The Reichstag, controlled by the Nazi Party and the People's Party of the Fatherland, also significantly reduced the autonomy of the Free States by amending the Constitution, and effectively abolished the Free State of Prussia. The parliament and government of the Free State of Prussia merged with the parliament and government of the German Empire, and the Chancellor of Germany also served as Chancellor of the Prussian State. As a result, the degree of unity within the German Empire was greatly enhanced.

However, the enactment of the Transitional Justice Ordinance to crack down on the Social Democrats and the constitutional amendment to integrate the German Empire also opened the eyes of many to the possibility of a Nazi dictatorship. Among them was Vice President Ludendorff. Defense Minister Schleicher, President of the Baltic Republic Golz, Chairman of the Fatherland People's Party Seckert and President of the Union of German Officers, Oskar Anderson. Feng. Hurtier, and Augusta, who was not a few years younger than Hindenburg, but who was still mentally and physically healthy. Feng. Marshal Mackensen.

These men are now sitting in the drawing room of the Schleicher estate with Hersmann, waiting for the final farewell to the old president at the Hindenburg estate, and talking about the coming post-Hindenburg era. All of them made no secret of their fears, and at the same time they were satisfied with the success of the Nazi rule.

"If we had a Nazi Party in 1917. There will be no loss of the world war! ”

Old Marshal Mackensen touched his two handfuls of nonsense, which had turned completely white, and said: "If there had been a Hitler Chancellor at that time, the Social Democrats and the Spartacists would not have done much harm." ”

The old man's idea should be very representative! Sitting in the corner with a coffee cup, Hersman understands public opinion better. There are many people who think this way, and the absence of a ruling party that can unite the lower ranks and suppress the anti-war forces is indeed a reason why Germany lost the First World War.

"But Hitler was not a worthy commander-in-chief," said Ludendorff, who was about to succeed to the presidency, with great concern, "and his vision of the big picture was entirely based on race, excellent, inferior, Aryan, Slavic, Jewish...... This kind of thing is usually talked about, but if it is turned into a strategy to guide the war. Then we're in big trouble. ”

Ludendorff knew Hitler better than the average person, and they had more contact with him. He was the vice-president acting president, while Hitler was the chancellor. The two met often and discussed strategic issues, so he was very dismissive of Hitler's strategic vision.

Actually, Hitler was okay. Hersmann's view was somewhat different from that of Ludendorff, because he knew that Hitler was not the worst commander in World War II, the Churchill who won the war but lost the Reich. Mussolini, who helped all day long, and the leaders of the Japanese reunification faction who recklessly provoked the Pacific War, were worse than Hitler.

However, US President Roosevelt had more vision than Hitler, and Roosevelt had more money in his hands. In fact, Churchill and Stalin also had a lot of money, and their countries could afford more mistakes. But Germany can't, a strategic mistake. The consequences can be catastrophic.

And Hitler made a rather fatal strategic mistake - he used the racial concept to guide the war! So much so that there are always unrealistic illusions about Britain, excessive hatred of Jews, and a kind of strength to fight the Russians to the end.

"He's a good prime minister," said Seckert, who had been prime minister for a while himself, shaking his head, "but he's not a commander-in-chief...... He was inferior to His Excellency Bismarck in this respect. ”

The Baltic Admiral Golz was not familiar with Hitler, and after listening to everyone's evaluation, the general president turned his attention to Hersmann and Schleicher, "Kurt, Ludwig, what do you think?" Was he a commander who could lead Germany to victory? ”

"Obviously not," Schleicher said, with his hands outstretched, "if we were to face a real war in the coming years, it would be only the best professional soldiers, not politicians who knew little about war, who could assume the responsibility of commanding the war." This is also our Prussian tradition! ”

"Military dictatorship?" Goltz groaned, "Is this really going to work?" ”

He was a "quasi-dictator" in the Polo, but he did not think that the Polo system could be applied to Germany. The Baltic Republic was a small state surrounded by strong enemies, and it was relatively easy to unite. Germany is a "big country" with a population of 66 million. In addition, the Baltic people were mainly Russians, who were more accustomed to being dictatorship, while the people of Germany itself had a tradition of democracy.

"Military dictatorship is not a no," Hersman shook his head and picked up the topic. "In that case, Germany will definitely fall into internal strife and will no longer be able to deal with the outside world."

"What then?"

As soon as Goltz's question came out, all the old people turned their attention to Hersmann and Schleicher.

Hersman's gaze also looked around, taking in the expressions of a room full of veterans, although each of them used an expressionless face to hide their inner thoughts, Hersman still knew very well what they wanted most?

"We should restore the German monarchy!" Hersman took a deep breath, as if with a great deal of determination, "At least now we should test it." ”

The people in the living room were silent. They were royalists, and the restoration of the German monarchy was of course their goal, but it was not easy to accomplish - not only was the international reaction difficult to say, but the public opinion in Germany was also difficult to control.

"How to tempt?" Ludendorff asked with interest. After Hindenburg's death, he could succeed him as president under the constitution. But his presidency ended in 1937, and who would be in charge then? With Hitler's current prestige, he is likely to run for president.

If both the president and the chancellor were Nazis, Hitler's power would be out of check!

Therefore, restoring the imperial system during the remainder of Ludendorff's term and appointing a constitutional monarch as commander-in-chief of the armed forces was the most appropriate option.

"The will can be tested with the will of the old president." Hersmann had already had a solution, "we could draw up a will for the old president, in which he would propose the restoration of the Hohenzollern dynasty in Germany." ”

Those present were relieved to hear Hersman's suggestion. That's a good idea! Push Hindenburg a dead man out as a bird. Even if the German people and the British and French powers were not happy, there was nothing they could do to take a dead man, could it be to whip the corpse?

"So...... Ludwig, would Hitler support this will? Ludendorff asked uncertainly.

Hitler's attitude towards the restoration of the imperial system was very ambiguous, and he did not have the label of royalist on his head like Juncker like Hersmann. However, on many occasions he expressed his support for the Hohenzollern dynasty. Moreover, Hitler had a very close relationship with Crown Prince Wilhelm, who was a friend of the fat Goering (Goering had some connection with the Hohenzollerns, and his godfather was a court doctor, so he was able to know the crown prince), and it was Goering who introduced him to Hitler. It is said that the crown prince himself also joined the Nazi Party!

But Hitler never relented on the question of restoration, and his Nazi Party was now the largest party in parliament, with more than half of its seats. If Hitler supported it, amending the constitution and restoring the imperial system would be a piece of cake.

Hersman thought for a moment, shook his head and said, "It's hard to say, he'...... At least not openly against it. ”

It is not daring to openly oppose it, and the current Hitler is not the historical Hitler after the conquest of France in 1940. With the Junkers firmly in control of the army and spies, confiscating their SA and SS troops, it is very irrational to clash with Juncker on the issue of royalism, but strong support is not necessarily.

At this moment, an antique phone in the living room suddenly rang, Schleicher picked up the microphone, and Oscar came from the other side. Feng. Hindenburg's voice: "The president is dead!" (To be continued.) )